The history of Herodotus - Volume 2 - Herodotus (manga ereader txt) 📗

. . contributed to the
fate of the Phenicians, being a friend (of the Ionians);" but this
does not seem possible unless we read {philos eon Iosi} (or
{Ionon}). Valla translates nearly as I have done. (It does not
appear that {prosballesthai} is found elsewhere in the sense of
{sumballesthai}.)

55. i.e. they who were commanded to execute them.

56. See vii. 179, 181.

57. See vi. 49, etc., and 73.

58. {keleta}.

59. {sumballontai}: the Athenians apparently are spoken of, for they
alone believed the story.

60. {apoplesai}: this is the reading of the MSS.; but many Editors
adopt corrections ({apoplesthai} or {apoplesthenai}). The subject
to {apoplesai} is to be found in the preceding sentence and the
connexion with {ton te allon panta k.t.l.} is a loose one. This in
fact is added as an afterthought, the idea being originally to
call attention simply to the fulfilment of the oracle of
Lysistratos.

61. {phruxousi}: a conjectural emendation, adopted by most Editors, of
{phrixousi}, "will shudder (at the sight of oars)."

62. {kat allon kai allon}: the MSS. have {kat allon}, but Valla's
rendering is "alium atque alium."

63. {uper megalon aiorethenta}.

64. i.e. 300,000.

65. {os ek kakon}: some translate, "thinking that he had escaped from
his troubles."

66. {toisi epikletoisi}, cp. vii. 8 and ix. 42.

67. i.e. Asia, as opposed to "these parts."

68. Stein would take {peri oikon ton son} with {oudemia sumphore}, but
the order of words is against this.

69. {pollous pollakis agonas drameontai peri spheon auton}.

70. See i. 175. The manner of the repetition and some points in the
diction raise suspicion that the passage is interpolated here; and
so it is held to be by most Editors. In i. 175 we find {tris}
instead of {dis}.

71. {upegagon}, cp. vi. 72, with the idea of bringing before a court
for punishment, not "by underhand means," as it is understood by
Larcher and Bähr.

72. "vengeance and Hermotimos."

73. {spheis . . . ergasaiato}: the MSS. read {sphi} (one {spheas}) and
{ergasaito}, and this is retained by some Editors.

74. "taken."

75. {metabalon}: others translate, "he turned from them to the
Athenians"; but cp. vii. 52. The words {pros tous Athenaious} are
resumed by {sphi} with {elege}.

76. {kai epi spheon auton balomenoi}, "even at their own venture," cp.
iii. 71.

77. {ta idia}, "things belonging to private persons."

78. {sophos}.

79. {geopeinas}, "poor in land."

80. It seems necessary to insert {an} with {einai}. For the sentiment
cp. vii. 172.

81. {khreomenos toisi kai pros basilea ekhresato}. This is the reading
of the best MSS.: the rest have {khreomenos logoisi toisi kai pros
Andrious ekhresato}, "using the same language as he had before
used to the Andrians."

82. {kai ten allen ippon}: some MSS. omit {allen}.

83. {ola}, i.e. not the whole number of them, but great masses without
individual selection.

84. {ouden meros os eipein}.

85. {anemon Strumonien}, "the wind called Strymonias."

86. {ta akrothinia}, i.e. the tithe.

87. i.e. the corner of the entrance-hall, {epi tou proneiou tes
gonies}, i. 51.

88. {dienemon}: some understand this to mean "distributed the voting
tablets," and some MSS. read {dienemonto}, "distributed among
themselves," which is adopted by many Editors.

89. {sophotatos}.

90. See i. 67.

91. A small island near Attica, taken here as the type of
insignificance. To suppose that Timodemos was connected with it is
quite unnecessary. The story in Plutarch about the Seriphian is
different.

92. i.e. 60,000.

93. {katesphaxe}, "cut their throats."

94. {para tas gluphidas}: some Editors read {peri tas gluphidas} on
the authority of Æneas Tacticus. The {gluphides} are probably
notches which give a hold for the fingers as they draw back the
string.

95. {kataplexai}, "strike down" by the charge.

96. The way was shut against them ordinarily by the town of Potidaia,
which occupied the isthmus.

97. i.e. most of those who before served as {epibatai} (vii. 96)
continued to serve still. The sentence is usually translated, "of
those who served as fighting-men in them the greater number were
Persians or Medes," and this may be right.

98. The MSS. have "Charilos" or "Charillos."

99. Some Editors read "Eurypon," which is the form found elsewhere.

100. Cp. vii. 204.

101. {duon}. It seems certain that the number required here is seven
and not two, and the emendation {epta} for {duon} ({z} for {b}) is
approved by several Editors.

102. {khresomenon}: the best MSS. read {khresamenon}, which is
retained by Stein, with the meaning "charging him to consult the
Oracles everywhere . . . and then return."

103. i.e. Mardonios and the Persians.

104. i.e. Theban citizens.

105. {promantin}: he is afterwards called {prophetes}.

106. Cp. v. 21.

107. Some Editors would read "Alabastra." Alabanda was a Carian town.

108. Counting Alexander himself as one.

109. {esan gar}: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have
{esan de}. Stein (reading {esan gar}) places this clause after the
next, "The wife of the king herself baked their bread, for in
ancient times, etc." This transposition is unnecessary; for it
would be easy to understand it as a comment on the statement that
three members of the royal house of Argos became farm-servants.

110. {ai turannides ton anthropon}.

111. {exaireton metaikhmion te ten gun ektemenon}: there are
variations of reading and punctuation in the MSS.

112. {sunepipte oste omou spheon ginesthai ten katastasin}, i.e. their
introduction before the assembly, cp. iii. 46.

113. {epeximen amunomenoi}, which possibly might be translated, "we
will continue to defend ourselves."

114. {karta anthropeion}.


BOOK IX

THE NINTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CALLIOPE

1. Mardonios, when Alexander had returned back and had signified to him that which was said by the Athenians, set forth from Thessaly and began to lead his army with all diligence towards Athens: and to whatever land he came, he took up with him the people of that land. The leaders of Thessaly meanwhile did not repent of all that which had been done already, but on the contrary they urged on the Persian yet much more; and Thorax of Larissa had joined in escorting Xerxes in his flight and at this time he openly offered Mardonios passage to invade Hellas. 2. Then when the army in its march came to Bœotia, the Thebans endeavoured to detain Mardonios, and counselled him saying that there was no region more convenient for him to have his encampment than that; and they urged him not to advance further, but to sit down there and endeavour to subdue to himself the whole of Hellas without fighting: for to overcome the Hellenes by open force when they were united, as at the former time they were of one accord together,[1] was a difficult task even for the whole world combined, "but," they proceeded, "if thou wilt do that which we advise, with little labour thou wilt have in thy power all their plans of resistance.[2] Send money to the men who have power in their cities, and thus sending thou wilt divide Hellas into two parties: after that thou wilt with ease subdue by the help of thy party those who are not inclined to thy side." 3. Thus they advised, but he did not follow their counsel; for there had instilled itself into him a great desire to take Athens for the second time, partly from obstinacy[3] and partly because he meant to signify to the king in Sardis that he was in possession of Athens by beacon-fires through the islands. However he did not even at this time find the Athenians there when he came to Attica; but he was informed that the greater number were either in Salamis or in the ships, and he captured the city finding it deserted. Now the capture of the city by the king had taken place ten months before the later expedition of Mardonios against it.

4. When Mardonios had come to Athens, he sent to Salamis Morychides a man of the Hellespont, bearing the same proposals as Alexander the Macedonian had brought over to the Athenians. These he sent for the second time, being aware beforehand that the dispositions of the Athenians were not friendly, but hoping that they would give way and leave their obstinacy, since the Attic land had been captured by the enemy and was in his power. 5. For this reason he sent Morychides to Salamis; and he came before the Council[4] and reported the words of Mardonios. Then one of the Councillors, Lykidas, expressed the opinion that it was better to receive the proposal which Morychides brought before them and refer it to the assembly of the people.[5] He, I say, uttered this opinion, whether because he had received money from Mardonios, or because this was his own inclination: however the Athenians forthwith, both those of the Council and those outside, when they heard of it, were very indignant, and they came about Lykidas and stoned him to death; but the Hellespontian Morychides they dismissed unhurt. Then when there had arisen much uproar in Salamis about Lykidas, the women of the Athenians heard of that which was being done, and one woman passing the word to another and one taking another with her, they went of their own accord to the house of Lykidas and stoned his wife and his children to death.

6. The Athenians had passed over to Salamis as follows:-So long as they were looking that an army should come from the Peloponnese to help them, they remained in Attica; but as those in Peloponnesus acted very slowly and with much delay, while the invader was said to be already in Bœotia, they accordingly removed everything out of danger, and themselves passed over to Salamis; and at the same time they sent envoys to Lacedemon to reproach the Lacedemonians for having permitted the Barbarian to invade Attica and for not having gone to Bœotia to meet him in company with them, and also to remind them how many things the Persian had promised to give the Athenians if they changed sides; bidding the envoys warn them that if they did not help the Athenians, the Athenians would find some shelter[6] for themselves. 7. For the Lacedemonians in fact were keeping a feast during this time, and