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Nat. Hist. V. 1, 1910; J. W. Schultz, My Life as an Indian, 1907.

[841] A. L. Kroeber. "The Arapaho," Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. XVIII. 1900; G. A. Dorsey and A. L. Kroeber, "Traditions of the Arapaho," Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth. V. 1903; G. A. Dorsey, "Arapaho Sun Dance," ib.IV. 1903.

[842] J. Mooney, "The Ghost Dance Religion," 14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1896.

[843] G. A. Dorsey, "The Cheyenne," Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth. IX. 1905; G. B. Grinnell, "Social organisation of the Cheyennes," Rep. Int. Cong. Am. XIII. 1902.

[844] Consult the following: A. C. Parker, "Iroquois uses of Maize and other Food Plants," Bull. 144, University of California Pub., Arch. and Eth. VII. 4, 1909; W. J. Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians," 14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1892-3, I. (1896); A. E. Jenks, "The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes," 19th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1897-8, II. (1912); A. F. Chamberlain, "The Kootenay Indians and Indians of the Eastern Provinces of Canada," Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905 (1906); A. Skinner, "Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Saulteaux," Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. IX. 1, 1911; The Indians of Greater New York, 1914; J. N. B. Hewitt, "Iroquoian Cosmology," 21st Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth.1899-1900 (1903), etc.

[845] For the Foxes (properly Musquakie) see M. A. Owen, Folklore of the Musquakie Indians, 1904.

[846] C. Wissler, loc. cit. p. 459.

[847] Ojibway, meaning "to roast till puckered up," referred to the puckered seam on the moccasins. Chippewa is the popular adaptation of the word.

[848] W. Jones, Ann. Arch. Rep. 1905 (Toronto), 1906, p. 144. Cf. note on p. 372.

[849] W. J. Hoffman, "The Midewiwin or 'grand medicine society' of the Ojibwa," 7th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1886 (1891).

[850] From the Algonkin word meaning "real adders" with French suffix.

[851] A decoction made by boiling the leaves of Ilex cassine in water, employed as "medicine" for ceremonial purification. It was a powerful agent for the production of the nervous state and disordered imagination necessary to "spiritual" power.

[852] C. Wissler, loc. cit. pp. 462-3.

[853] A. J. Pickett, Hist. of Alabama, 1851 (ed. 1896), p. 87.

[854] Cf. A. S. Gatschet, "A migration legend of the Creek Indians," Trans. Acad. Sci. St Louis, V. 1888.

[855] F. G. Speck, "Some outlines of Aboriginal Culture in the S. E. States," Am. Anth. N. S. IX. 1907; "Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians," Anth. Pub. Mus. Univ. Pa. I. 1, 1909.

[856] W. H. Holmes, "Areas of American Culture," etc., Am. Anth. XVI. 1914, p. 424.

[857] L'Anthropologie, 1897, p. 702 sq.

[858] 16th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth., Washington, 1897, p. lvi sq.

[859] Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano (Tewa), Shipaulovi, Mishongnovi, Shunopovi and Oraibi.

[860] Zuni proper, Pescado, Nutria and Ojo Caliente.

[861] Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Pojoaque, Nambe, Jemez, Pecos, Sandia, Isleta, all of Tanoan stock; San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Sia Laguna and Acoma, of Keresan stock.

[862] For this area see A. F. Bandelier, "Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the S. W. United States," Arch. Inst. of Am. Papers, 1890-2; P. E. Goddard, "Indians of the Southwest," Handbook Series, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. 2, 1913; F. Russell, "The Pima Indians," 26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1904-5 (1908); G. Nordenskioeld, The Cliff Dwellers of Mesa Verde, S. W. Colorado, 1893; C. Mindeleff, "Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona," 13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1891-2 (1896). For chronology cf. L. Spier, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. Anth. XVIII.

[863] 16th Ann. Report, p. xciv. Cf. E. Huntington, "Desiccation in Arizona," Geog. Journ., Sept. and Oct. 1912.

[864] For the religion consult F. H. Cushing, "Zuni Creation Myths," 13th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1891-2 (1896); Zuni Folk Tales, 1901; Matilda C. Stevenson, "The Religious Life of the Zuni Child," 5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1887; "The Zuni Indians, their mythology, esoteric fraternities, and ceremonies," 23rd Rep. 1904; J. W. Fewkes, "Tusayan Katcinas," 15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1893-4 (1897); "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies," 16th Rep. 1894-5 (1897); "Tusayan Flute and Snake Ceremonies," 19th Rep. 1897-8, 11. (1900); "Hopi Katcinas," 21st Rep. 1899-1900 (1903), and other papers. For dances see W. Hough, Moki Snake dance, 1898; G. A. Dorsey and H. R. Voth, "Mishongnovi Ceremonies of the Snake and Antelope Fraternities," Pub. Field Col. Mus. Anth.III. 3, 1902; J. W. Fewkes, "Snake Ceremonials at Walpi," Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch. IV. 1894 and "Tusayan Snake Ceremonies," 16th Ann, Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1897; H. Hodge, "Pueblo Snake Ceremonies," Am. Anth.IX. 1896.

[865] p. xcvii.

[866] Amer. Anthropologist, Jan. 1898.

[867] p. 13.

[868] G. W. James, Indians of the Painted Desert Region, 1903, p. 90.

[869] L. Farrand, Basis of American History, 1904, p. 184.

[870] W. H. Holmes, "Pottery of the ancient Pueblos," 4th Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Eth. 1882-3 (1886); F. H. Cushing, "A study of Pueblo Pottery," etc., ib,; J. W. Fewkes, "Archaeological expedition to Arizona," 17th Rep. 1895-6 (1898); W. Hough, "Archaeological field work in N.E. Arizona" (1901), Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus. 1903.

[871] "Zuni Kin and Clan," Anth. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. XVIII. 1917, p. 39.

[872] p. 167.

CHAPTER XI(THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES (continued))

 

Mexican and Central American Cultures--Aztec and Maya Scripts and Calendars--Nahua and Shoshoni--Chichimec and Aztec Empires-- Uncultured Mexican Peoples: Otomi; Seri--Early Man in Yucatan--The Maya to-day--Transitions from North to South America--Chontal and Choco--The Catio--Cultures of the Andean area--The Colombian Chibcha--Empire of the Inca--Quichuan Race and Language--Inca Origins and History--The Aymara--Chimu Culture--Peruvian Politico-Social System--The Araucanians--The Pampas Indians--The Gauchos--Patagonians and Fuegians-- Linguistic Relations--The Yahgans--The Cashibo--The Pana Family--The Caribs--Arawakan Family--The Ges (Tapuyan) Family--The Botocudo--The Tupi-Guaranian Family--The Chiquito--Mataco and Toba of the Gran Chaco.

In Mexico and Central America interest is centred chiefly in two great ethnical groups--the Nahuatlan and Huaxtecan--whose cultural, historical, and even geographical relations are so intimately interwoven that they can scarcely be treated apart. Thus, although their civilisations are concentrated respectively in the Anahuac (Mexican) plateau and Yucatan and Guatemala, the two domains overlap completely at both ends, so that there are isolated branches of the Huaxtecan family in Mexico (the Huaxtecs (Totonacs) of Vera Cruz, from whom the whole group is named, and of the Nahuatlan in Nicaragua (Pipils, Niquirans, and others)[873].

This very circumstance has no doubt tended to increase the difficulties connected with the questions of their origins, migrations, and mutual cultural influences. Some of these difficulties disappear if the "Toltecs" be eliminated (see p. 342), who had hitherto been a great disturbing element in this connection, and all the rest have in my opinion been satisfactorily disposed of by E. Foerstemann, a leading authority on all Aztec-Maya questions[874]. This eminent archaeologist refers first to the views of Seler[875], who assumes a southern movement of Maya tribes from Yucatan, and a like movement of Aztecs from Tabasco to Nicaragua, and even to Yucatan. On the other hand Dieseldorff holds that Maya art was independently developed, while the link between it and the Aztec shows that an interchange took place, in which process the Maya was the giver, the Aztec the recipient. He further attributes the overthrow of the Maya power 100 or 200 years before the conquest to the Aztecs, and thinks the Aztecs or Nahuas took their god Quetzalcoatl from the "Toltecs," who were a Maya people. Ph. J. Valentini also infers that the Maya were the original people, the Aztecs "mere parasites[876]."

Now Foerstemann lays down the principle that any theory, to be satisfactory, should fit in with such facts as:--(1) the agreement and diversity of both cultures; (2) the antiquity and disappearance of the mysterious Toltecs; (3) the complete isolation at 22 deg. N. lat. of the Huaxtecs from the other Maya tribes, and their difference from them; (4) the equally complete isolation of the Guatemalan Pipils, and of the other southern (Nicaraguan) Aztec groups from the rest of the Nahua peoples; (5) the remarkable absence of Aztec local names in Yucatan, while they occur in hundreds in Chiapas, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua, where scarcely any trace is left of Maya names.

To account for these facts he assumes that in the earliest known times Central America from about 23 deg. to 10 deg. N. was mainly inhabited by Maya tribes, who had even reached Cuba. While these Mayas were still at quite a low stage of culture, the Aztecs advanced from as far north as at least 26 deg. N. but only on the Pacific side, thus leaving the Huaxtecs almost untouched in the east. The Aztecs called the Mayas "Toltecs" because they first came in contact with one of their northern branches living in the region about Tula (north of Mexico city)[877]. But when all the relations became clearer, the Toltecs fell gradually into the background, and at last entered the domain of the fabulous.

Now the Aztecs borrowed much from the Mayas, especially gods, whose names they simply translated. A typical case is that of Cuculcan, which becomes Quetzalcoatl, where cuc = quezal = the bird Trogon resplendens, and can = coatl = snake[878]. With the higher culture developed in Guatemala the Aztecs came first in contact after passing through Mixtec and Zapotec territory, not long before Columbian times, so that they had no time here to consolidate their empire and assimilate the Mayas. On the contrary the Aztecs were themselves merged in these, all but the Pipils and the settlements on Lake Nicaragua, which retained their national peculiarities.

But whence came the hundreds of Aztec names in the lands between Chiapas and Nicaragua? Here it should be noted that these names are almost exclusively confined to the more important stations, while the less prominent places have everywhere names taken from the tongues of the local tribes. But even the Aztec names themselves occur properly only in official use, hence also on the charts, and are not current to-day amongst the natives who have kept aloof from the Spanish-speaking populations. Hence the inference that such names were mainly introduced by the Spaniards and their Mexican troops during the conquest of those lands, say, up to about 1535, and do not appear in Yucatan which was not conquered from Mexico. Foerstemann reluctantly accepts this view, advanced by Sapper[879], having nothing better to suggest.

The coastal towns of Yucatan visited by Spaniards from Cuba in 1517 and onwards were decidedly inferior architecturally to the great temple structures of the interior, though doubtless erected by the same people. The inland cities of Chichen-Itza and Uxmal by that time had fallen from their ancient glory though still religious centres[880].

The Maya would thus appear to have stood on a higher plane of culture than their Aztec rivals, and the same conclusion may be drawn from their respective writing systems. Of all the aborigines these two alone had developed what may fairly be called a script in the strict sense of the term, although neither of them had reached the same level of efficiency as the Babylonian cuneiforms, or the Chinese or the Egyptian hieroglyphs, not to speak of the syllabic and alphabetic systems of the Old World. Some even of the barbaric peoples, such as most of the prairie Indians, had reached the stage of graphic symbolism, and were thus on the threshold of writing at the discovery. "The art was rudimentary and limited to crude pictography. The pictographs were painted or sculptured on cliff-faces, boulders, the walls of caverns, and even on