Lives Of The Poets, Vol. 1 (fiscle part-III) - Samuel Johnson (classic books to read txt) 📗
- Author: Samuel Johnson
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Not To Favour Them.
When The Parliament Was Called in 1640, It Appeared that Waller'S
Political Character Had Not Been Mistaken. The King'S Demand Of A Supply
Produced one Of Those Noisy Speeches Which Disaffection And Discontent
Regularly Dictate; A Speech Filled with Hyperbolical Complaints Of
Imaginary Grievances: "They," Says He, "Who Think Themselves Already
Undone, Can Never Apprehend Themselves In danger; And They Who Have
Nothing left Can Never Give Freely." Political Truth Is Equally In danger
From The Praises Of Courtiers, And The Exclamations Of Patriots.
He Then Proceeds To Rail At The Clergy, Being sure, At That Time, Of A
Favourable Audience. His Topick Is Such As Will Always Serve Its Purpose;
An Accusation Of Acting and Preaching only For Preferment; And He Exhorts
The Commons "Carefully To Provide _For Their_ Protection Against Pulpit
Law."
It Always Gratifies Curiosity To Trace A Sentiment. Waller Has, In this
Speech, Quoted hooker In one Passage; And In another Has Copied him,
Without Quoting. "Religion," Says Waller, "Ought To Be The First Thing in
Our Purpose And Desires; But That Which Is First In dignity Is Not Always
To Precede In order Of Time; For Well-Being supposes A Being; And The
First Impediment Which Men Naturally Endeavour To Remove, Is The Want Of
Those Things Without Which They Cannot Subsist. God First Assigned
Unto Adam Maintenance Of Life, And Gave Him A Title To The Rest Of The
Creatures, Before He Appointed a Law To Observe."
"God First Assigned adam," Says Hooker, "Maintenance Of Life, And Then
Appointed him A Law To Observe. True It Is, That The Kingdom Of God
Must Be The First Thing in our Purpose And Desires; But, Inasmuch As A
Righteous Life Presupposeth Life, Inasmuch As To Live Virtuously It
Is Impossible, Except We Live; Therefore The First Impediment Which
Naturally We Endeavour To Remove Is Penury, And Want Of Things Without
Which We Cannot Live." Book I. Sect. 9.
The Speech Is Vehement; But The Great Position, That Grievances Ought To
Be Redressed, Before Supplies Are Granted, Is Agreeable Enough To Law And
Reason: Nor Was Waller, If His Biographer May Be Credited, Such An Enemy
To The King, As Not To Wish His Distresses Lightened; For He Relates,
"That The King sent Particularly To Waller, To Second His Demand Of Some
Subsidies To Pay Off The Army; And Sir Henry Vane Objecting against First
Voting a Supply, Because The King would Not Accept, Unless It Came Up
To His Proportion, Mr. Waller Spoke Earnestly To Sir Thomas Jermyn,
Comptroller Of The Household, To Save His Master From The Effects Of So
Bold A Falsity; 'For' He Said, 'I Am But A Country Gentleman, And Cannot
Pretend To Know The King'S Mind:' But Sir Thomas Durst Not Contradict
The Secretary; And His Son, The Earl Of St. Alban'S, Afterwards Told Mr.
Waller, That His Father'S Cowardice Ruined the King."
In The Long Parliament, Which, Unhappily For The Nation, Met Nov. 3,
1640, Waller Represented agmondesham The Third Time; And Was Considered,
By The Discontented party, As A Man Sufficiently Trusty And Acrimonious
To Be Employed in managing the Prosecution Of Judge Crawley, For His
Opinion In favour Of Ship-Money; And His Speech Shows That He Did Not
Disappoint Their Expectations. He Was, Probably, The More Ardent, As His
Uncle Hampden Had Been Particularly Engaged in the Dispute, And, By
A Sentence, Which Seems Generally To Be Thought Unconstitutional,
Particularly Injured.
He Was Not, However, A Bigot To His Party, Nor Adopted all Their
Opinions. When The Great Question, Whether Episcopacy Ought To Be
Abolished, Was Debated, He Spoke Against The Innovation So Coolly, So
Reasonably, And So Firmly, That It Is Not Without Great Injury To His
Name That His Speech, Which Was As Follows, Has Been Hitherto Omitted in
His Works[83]:
"There Is No Doubt But The Sense Of What This Nation Hath Suffered from
The Present Bishops Hath Produced these Complaints; And The Apprehensions
Men Have Of Suffering the Like, In time To Come, Make So Many Desire The
Taking away Of Episcopacy: But I Conceive It Is Possible That We May Not,
Now, Take A Right Measure Of The Minds Of The People By Their Petitions;
For, When They Subscribed them, The Bishops Were Armed with A Dangerous
Commission Of Making new Canons, Imposing new Oaths, And The Like; But
Now We Have Disarmed them Of That Power. These Petitioners Lately Did
Look Upon Episcopacy, As A Beast Armed with Horns And Claws; But Now That
We Have Cut And Pared them (And May, If We See Cause, Yet Reduce It Into
Narrower Bounds,) It May, Perhaps, Be More Agreeable. Howsoever, If They
Be Still In passion, It Becomes Us Soberly To Consider The Right Use And
Antiquity Thereof; And Not To Comply Further With A General Desire, Than
May Stand With A General Good.
"We Have Already Showed, That Episcopacy, And The Evils Thereof, Are
Mingled like Water And Oil; We Have Also, In part, Severed them; But, I
Believe, You Will Find, That Our Laws And The Present Government Of
The Church Are Mingled like Wine And Water; So Inseparable, That The
Abrogation Of, At Least, A Hundred of Our Laws Is Desired in these
Petitions. I Have Often Heard A Noble Answer Of The Lords, Commended in
This House, To A Proposition Of Like Nature, But Of Less Consequence;
They Gave No Other Reason Of Their Refusal But This, 'Nolumus Mutare
Leges Angliae:' It Was The Bishops Who So Answered then; And It Would
Become The Dignity And Wisdom Of This House To Answer The People Now With
A 'Nolumus Mutare.'
"I See Some Are Moved with A Number Of Hands Against The Bishops;
Which, I Confess, Rather Inclines Me To Their Defence; For I Look Upon
Episcopacy As A Counterscarp, Or Outwork; Which, If It Be Taken By This
Assault Of The People, And, Withal, This Mystery Once Revealed, 'That We
Must Deny Them Nothing, When They Ask It Thus In troops,' We May, In the
Next Place, Have As Hard A Task To Defend Our Property, As We Have Lately
Had To Recover It From The Prerogative. If, By Multiplying hands And
Petitions, They Prevail For An Equality In things Ecclesiastical, The
Next Demand, Perhaps, May Be 'Lex Agraria,' The Like Equality In things
Temporal.
"The Roman Story Tells Us, That When The People Began To Flock About The
Senate, And Were More Curious To Direct And Know What Was Done, Than To
Obey, That Commonwealth Soon Came To Ruin; Their 'Legem Rogare' Grew
Quickly To Be A 'Legem Ferre;' And After, When Their Legions Had Found
That They Could Make A Dictator, They Never Suffered the Senate To Have A
Voice Any More In such Election.
"If These Great Innovations Proceed, I Shall Expect A Flat And Level In
Learning too, As Well As In church-Preferments: 'Honos Alit Artes.' And
Though It Be True, That Grave And Pious Men Do Study For Learning-Sake,
And Embrace Virtue For Itself; Yet It Is As True That Youth, Which Is The
Season When Learning is Gotten, Is Not Without Ambition, Nor Will
Ever Take Pains To Excel In any Thing, When There Is Not Some Hope Of
Excelling others In reward And Dignity.
"There Are Two Reasons Chiefly Alleged against Our Church-Government.
"First, Scripture, Which, As Some Men Think, Points Out Another Form.
"Second, The Abuses Of The Present Superiours.
"For Scripture, I Will Not Dispute It In this Place; But I Am Confident
That, Whenever An Equal Division Of Lands And Goods Shall Be Desired,
There Will Be As Many Places In scripture Found Out, Which Seem To Favour
That, As There Are Now Alleged against The Prelacy Or Preferment In the
Church. And, As For Abuses, Where You Are Now In the Remonstrance Told
What This And That Poor Man Hath Suffered by The Bishops, You May Be
Presented with A Thousand Instances Of Poor Men That Have Received hard
Measure From Their Landlords; And Of Worldly Goods Abused, To The Injury
Of Others, And Disadvantage Of The Owners.
"And, Therefore, Mr. Speaker, My Humble Motion Is, That We May Settle
Men'S Minds Herein; And, By A Question, Declare Our Resolution, 'To
Reform,' That Is, 'Not To Abolish, Episcopacy.'"
It Cannot But Be Wished that He, Who Could Speak In this Manner, Had Been
Able To Act With Spirit And Uniformity.
When The Commons Began To Set The Royal Authority At Open Defiance,
Waller Is Said To Have Withdrawn From The House, And To Have Returned
With The King'S Permission; And, When The King set Up His Standard, He
Sent Him A Thousand Broad-Pieces. He Continued, However, To Sit In
The Rebellious Conventicle; But "Spoke," Says Clarendon, "With Great
Sharpness And Freedom, Which, Now There Was No Danger Of Being outvoted,
Was Not Restrained; And, Therefore, Used as An Argument Against Those Who
Were Gone, Upon Pretence That They Were Not Suffered to Deliver Their
Opinion Freely In the House, Which Could Not Be Believed, When All Men
Knew What Liberty Mr. Waller Took, And Spoke Every Day With Impunity
Against The Sense And Proceedings Of The House."
Waller, As He Continued to Sit, Was One Of The Commissioners Nominated
By The Parliament To Treat With The King at Oxford; And, When They Were
Presented, The King said To Him, "Though You Are The Last, You Are Not
The Lowest, Nor The Least In my Favour." Whitlock, Who, Being another Of
The Commissioners, Was Witness Of This Kindness, Imputes It To The King'S
Knowledge Of The Plot, In which Waller Appeared afterwards To Have Been
Engaged against The Parliament. Fenton, With Equal Probability, Believes
That His Attempt To Promote The Royal Cause Arose From His Sensibility Of
The King'S Tenderness. Whitlock Says Nothing of His Behaviour At Oxford:
He Was Sent With Several Others To Add Pomp To The Commission, But Was
Not One Of Those To Whom The Trust Of Treating was Imparted.
The Engagement, Known By The Name Of Waller'S Plot, Was Soon Afterwards
Discovered. Waller Had A Brother-In-Law, Tomkyns, Who Was Clerk Of The
Queen'S Council, And, At The Same Time, Had A Very Numerous Acquaintance,
And Great Influence, In the City. Waller And He, Conversing with Great
Confidence, Told Both Their Own Secrets And Those Of Their Friends; And,
Surveying the Wide Extent Of Their Conversation, Imagined that They
Found, In the Majority Of All Ranks, Great Disapprobation Of The Violence
Of The Commons, And Unwillingness To Continue The War. They Knew That
Many Favoured the King, Whose Fear Concealed their Loyalty; And Many
Desired peace, Though They Durst Not Oppose The Clamour For War; And They
Imagined that, If Those Who Had These Good Intentions Could Be Informed
Of Their Own Strength, And Enabled by Intelligence To Act Together, They
Might Overpower The Fury Of Sedition, By Refusing to Comply With The
Ordinance For The Twentieth Part, And The Other Taxes Levied for The
Support Of The Rebel Army, And By Uniting great Numbers In a Petition For
Peace. They Proceeded with Great Caution. Three Only Met In one Place,
And No Man Was Allowed to Impart The Plot To More Than Two Others; So
That, If Any Should Be Suspected or Seized, More Than Three Could Not Be
Endangered.
Lord Conway Joined in the Design, And, Clarendon Imagines, Incidentally
Mingled, As He Was A Soldier, Some Martial Hopes Or Projects, Which,
However, Were Only Mentioned, The Main Design Being to Bring the Loyal
Inhabitants To The Knowledge Of Each Other; For Which Purpose There Was
To Be Appointed one In every District, To Distinguish The Friends Of The
King, The Adherents To The Parliament, And The Neutrals. How Far
They Proceeded does Not Appear; The Result Of Their Inquiry, As Pym
Declared[84], Was, That Within The Walls, For One That Was For The
Royalists, There Were Three Against Them; But That Without The Walls, For
One That Was Against Them, There Were Five For Them. Whether This Was
Said From Knowledge Or Guess, Was, Perhaps, Never Inquired.
It Is The Opinion Of Clarendon, That In waller'S Plan No Violence Or
Sanguinary Resistance Was Comprised; That He Intended only To Abate The
Confidence Of The Rebels By Publick Declarations, And To Weaken Their
Powers By An Opposition To New Supplies. This, In calmer Times, And
More Than This, Is Done Without Fear; But Such Was The Acrimony Of The
Commons, That No Method Of Obstructing them Was Safe.
About This Time, Another Design Was Formed by Sir Nicholas Crispe, A Man
Of Loyalty That Deserves Perpetual Remembrance: When He Was A Merchant
In The City, He Gave And Procured the King, In his Exigencies, A Hundred
Thousand Pounds; And, When He Was Driven From The Exchange, Raised a
Regiment, And Commanded it.
Sir Nicholas Flattered himself With An Opinion, That Some Provocation
Would So Much Exasperate, Or Some Opportunity So Much Encourage, The
King'S Friends In the City, That They Would Break Out In open Resistance,
And Then Would Want Only A Lawful Standard, And An Authorized commander;
And Extorted from
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