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complaint of the injured Allan

Stewart, Commendator of Crossraguel, to the Regent and Privy

Council, averring his having been carried, partly by flattery,

partly by force, to the black vault of Denure, a strong

fortalice, built on a rock overhanging the Irish channel, where

to execute leases and conveyances of the whole churches and

parsonages belonging to the Abbey of Crossraguel, which he

utterly refused as an unreasonable demand, and the more so that

he had already conveyed them to John Stewart of Cardonah, by

whose interest he had been made Commendator. The complainant

proceeds to state, that he was, after many menaces, stript,

bound, and his limbs exposed to fire in the manner already

described, till, compelled by excess of agony, he subscribed the

charter and leases presented to him, of the contents of which he

was totally ignorant. A few days afterwards, being again

required to execute a ratification of these deeds before a notary

and witnesses, and refusing to do so, he was once more subjected

to the same torture, until his agony was so excessive that he

exclaimed, “Fye on you, why do you not strike your whingers into

me, or blow me up with a barrel of powder, rather than torture me

thus unmercifully?” upon which the Earl commanded Alexander

Richard, one of his attendants, to stop the patient’s mouth with

a napkin, which was done accordingly. Thus he was once more

compelled to submit to their tyranny. The petition concluded

with stating, that the Earl, under pretence of the deeds thus

iniquitously obtained, had taken possession of the whole place

and living of Crossraguel, and enjoyed the profits thereof for

three years.

The doom of the Regent and Council shows singularly the total

interruption of justice at this calamitous period, even in the

most clamant cases of oppression. The Council declined

interference with the course of the ordinary justice of the

county, (which was completely under the said Earl of Cassilis’

control,) and only enacted, that he should forbear molestation of

the unfortunate Comendator, under the surety of two thousand

pounds Scots. The Earl was appointed also to keep the peace

towards the celebrated George Buchanan, who had a pension out of

the same Abbacy, to a similar extent, and under the like penalty.

The consequences are thus described by the Journalist already

quoted.---

“The said Laird of Bargany perceiving that the ordiner justice

could neither help the oppressed, nor yet the afflicted, applied

his mind to the next remedy, and in the end, by his servants,

took the house of Denure, where the poor Abbot was kept prisoner.

The bruit flew fra Carrick to Galloway, and so suddenly assembled

herd and hyre-man that pertained to the band of the Kennedies;

and so within a few hours was the house of Denure environed

again. The master of Cassilis was the frackast [i.e. the

readiest or boldest) and would not stay, but in his heat would

lay fire to the dungeon, with no small boasting that all enemies

within the house should die.

“He was required and admonished by those that were within to be

more moderate, and not to hazard himself so foolishly. But no

admonition would help, till that the wind of an hacquebute

blasted his shoulder, and then ceased he from further pursuit in

fury. The Laird of Bargany had before purchest [obtained] of the

authorities, letters, charging all faithfull subjects to the

King’s Majesty, to assist him against that cruel tyrant and

mansworn traitor, the Earl of Cassilis; which letters, with his

private writings, he published, and shortly found sic concurrence

of Kyle and Cunynghame with his other friends, that the Carrick

company drew back fra the house: and so the other approached,

furnished the house with more men, delivered the said Mr Allan,

and carried him to Ayr, where, publicly at the market cross of

the said town, he declared how cruelly he was entreated, and how

the murdered King suffered not sic torment as he did, excepting

only he escaped the death: and, therefore, publickly did revoke

all things that were done in that extremity, and especially

revoked the subscription of the three writings, to wit, of a fyve

yeir tack and nineteen year tack, and of a charter of feu. And so

the house remained, and remains (till this day, the 7th of

February, 1571,) in the custody of the said Laird of Bargany and of

his servants. And so cruelty was disappointed of proffeit present,

and shall be eternallie punished, unless he earnestly repent. And

this far for the cruelty committed, to give occasion unto others,

and to such as hate the monstrous dealing of degenerate nobility,

to look more diligently upon their behaviuours, and to paint them

forth unto the world, that they themselves may be ashamed of

their own beastliness, and that the world may be advertised and

admonished to abhor, detest, and avoid the company of all sic

tyrants, who are not worthy of the society of men, but ought to

be sent suddenly to the devil, with whom they must burn without

end, for their contempt of God, and cruelty committed against his

creatures. Let Cassilis and his brother be the first to be the

example unto others. Amen. Amen.”*

Bannatyne’s Journal.

This extract has been somewhat amended or modernized in

orthography, to render it more intelligible to the general

reader. I have to add, that the Kennedies of Bargany, who

interfered in behalf of the oppressed Abbot, were themselves a

younger branch of the Cassilis family, but held different

politics, and were powerful enough in this, and other instances,

to bid them defiance.

The ultimate issue of this affair does not appear; but as the

house of Cassilis are still in possession of the greater part of

the feus and leases which belonged to Crossraguel Abbey, it is

probable the talons of the King of Carrick were strong enough,

in those disorderly times, to retain the prey which they had so

mercilessly fixed upon.

I may also add, that it appears by some papers in my possession,

that the officers or Country Keepers on the border, were

accustomed to torment their prisoners by binding them to the

iron bars of their chimneys, to extort confession.

NOTE TO CHAPTER XXIX

Note F.---Heraldry

The author has been here upbraided with false heraldry, as having

charged metal upon metal. It should be remembered, however, that

heraldry had only its first rude origin during the crusades, and

that all the minutiae of its fantastic science were the work of

time, and introduced at a much later period. Those who think

otherwise must suppose that the Goddess of “Armoirers”, like the

Goddess of Arms, sprung into the world completely equipped in all

the gaudy trappings of the department she presides over.

Additional Note

In corroboration of said note, it may be observed, that the arms,

which were assumed by Godfrey of Boulogne himself, after the

conquest of Jerusalem, was a cross counter patent cantoned with

four little crosses or, upon a field azure, displaying thus metal

upon metal. The heralds have tried to explain this undeniable

fact in different modes---but Ferne gallantly contends, that a

prince of Godfrey’s qualities should not be bound by the ordinary

rules. The Scottish Nisbet, and the same Ferne, insist that the

chiefs of the Crusade must have assigned to Godfrey this

extraordinary and unwonted coat-of-arms, in order to induce those

who should behold them to make enquiries; and hence give them the

name of “arma inquirenda”. But with reverence to these grave

authorities, it seems unlikely that the assembled princes of

Europe should have adjudged to Godfrey a coat armorial so much

contrary to the general rule, if such rule had then existed; at

any rate, it proves that metal upon metal, now accounted a

solecism in heraldry, was admitted in other cases similar to that

in the text. See Ferne’s “Blazon of Gentrie” p. 238. Edition

1586. Nisbet’s “Heraldry”, vol. i. p. 113. Second Edition.

NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXI

Note G.---Ulrica’s Death song.

It will readily occur to the antiquary, that these verses are

intended to imitate the antique poetry of the Scalds---the

minstrels of the old Scandinavians---the race, as the Laureate so

happily terms them,

“Stern to inflict, and stubborn to endure,

Who smiled in death.”

The poetry of the Anglo-Saxons, after their civilisation and

conversion, was of a different and softer character; but in the

circumstances of Ulrica, she may be not unnaturally supposed to

return to the wild strains which animated her forefathers during

the time of Paganism and untamed ferocity.

NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXII

Note H.---Richard Coeur-de-Lion.

The interchange of a cuff with the jolly priest is not entirely

out of character with Richard I., if romances read him aright.

In the very curious romance on the subject of his adventures in

the Holy Land, and his return from thence, it is recorded how he

exchanged a pugilistic favour of this nature, while a prisoner in

Germany. His opponent was the son of his principal warder, and

was so imprudent as to give the challenge to this barter of

buffets. The King stood forth like a true man, and received a

blow which staggered him. In requital, having previously waxed

his hand, a practice unknown, I believe, to the gentlemen of the

modern fancy, he returned the box on the ear with such interest

as to kill his antagonist on the spot.

---See, in Ellis’s Specimens of English Romance, that of

Coeur-de-Lion.

NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXIII

Note I.---Hedge-Priests.

It is curious to observe, that in every state of society, some

sort of ghostly consolation is provided for the members of the

community, though assembled for purposes diametrically opposite

to religion. A gang of beggars have their Patrico, and the

banditti of the Apennines have among them persons acting as monks

and priests, by whom they are confessed, and who perform mass

before them. Unquestionably, such reverend persons, in such a

society, must accommodate their manners and their morals to the

community in which they live; and if they can occasionally obtain

a degree of reverence for their supposed spiritual gifts, are, on

most occasions, loaded with unmerciful ridicule, as possessing a

character inconsistent with all around them.

Hence the fighting parson in the old play of Sir John Oldcastle,

and the famous friar of Robin Hood’s band. Nor were such

characters ideal. There exists a monition of the Bishop of

Durham against irregular churchmen of this class, who associated

themselves with Border robbers, and desecrated the holiest

offices of the priestly function, by celebrating them for the

benefit of thieves, robbers, and murderers, amongst ruins and in

caverns of the earth, without regard to canonical form, and with

torn and dirty attire, and maimed rites, altogether improper for

the occasion.

NOTE TO CHAPTER XLI.

Note J.---Castle of Coningsburgh.

When I last saw this interesting ruin of ancient days, one of the

very few remaining examples of Saxon fortification, I was

strongly impressed with the desire of tracing out a sort of

theory on the subject, which, from some recent acquaintance with

the architecture of the ancient Scandinavians, seemed to me

peculiarly interesting. I was, however, obliged by circumstances

to proceed on my journey, without leisure to take more than a

transient view of Coningsburgh. Yet the idea dwells so strongly

in my mind, that I feel considerably tempted to write a page or

two in detailing at least the outline of my hypothesis, leaving

better antiquaries to correct or refute conclusions which are

perhaps too hastily drawn.

Those who have visited the Zetland Islands, are familiar with the

description of castles called by the inhabitants Burghs; and by

the Highlanders---for they are also to be found both in the

Western Isles and on the mainland---Duns. Pennant has engraved a

view of the famous Dun-Dornadilla in Glenelg; and there are many

others, all of them built after a peculiar mode of architecture,

which argues

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