The world as I see it - Albert Einstein (easy books to read .txt) 📗

respect he is even further removed from the
Russian and the Asiatic than the European is. But there is another respect
in which he resembles the Asiatic more than the European does: he is lest of
an individualist than the European--that is, from the psychological, not the
economic, point of view.

More emphasis is laid on the "we" than the "I." As a natural corollary
of this, custom and convention are very powerful, and there is much more
uniformity both in outlook on life and in moral and Фsthetic ideas among
Americans than among Europeans. This fact is chiefly responsible for
America's economic superiority over Europe. Co-operation and the division of
labour are carried through more easily and with less friction than in
Europe, whether in the factory or the university or in private good works.
This social sense may be partly due to the English tradition.

In apparent contradiction to this stands the fact that the activities
of the State are comparatively restricted as compared with Europe. The
European is surprised to find the telegraph, the telephone, the railways,
and the schools predominantly in private hands. The more social attitude of
the individual, which I mentioned just now, makes this possible here.
Another consequence of this attitude is that the extremely unequal
distribution of property leads to no intolerable hardships. The social
conscience of the rich man is much more highly developed than in Europe. He
considers himself obliged as a matter of course to place a large portion of
his wealth, and often of his own energies too, at the disposal of the
community, and public opinion, that all-powerful force, imperiously demands
it of him. Hence the most important cultural functions can be left to
private enterprise, and the part played by the State in this country is,
comparatively, a very restricted one.

The prestige of government has undoubtedly been lowered considerably by
the Prohibition laws. For nothing is more destructive of respect for the
government and the law of the land than passing laws which cannot be
enforced. It is an open secret that the dangerous increase of crime in this
country is closely connected with this.

There is also another way in which Prohibition, in my opinion, has led
to the enfeeblement of the State. The public-house is a place which gives
people a chance to exchange views and ideas on public affairs. As far as I
can see, people here have no chance of doing this, the result being that the
Press, which is mostly controlled by definite interests, has an excessive
influence over public opinion.

The over-estimation of money is still greater in this country than in
Europe, but appears to me to be on the decrease. It is at last beginning to
be realized that great wealth is not necessary for a happy and satisfactory
life.

As regards artistic matters, I have been genuinely impressed by the
good taste displayed in the modern buildings and in articles of common use;
on the other hand, the visual arts and music have little place in the life
of the nation as compared with Europe.

I have a warm admiration for the achievements of American institutes of
scientific research. We are unjust in attempting to ascribe the increasing
superiority of American research-work exclusively to superior wealth; zeal,
patience, a spirit of comradeship, and a talent for co-operation play an
important part in its successes. One more observation to finish up with. The
United States is the most powerful technically advanced country in the world
to-day. Its influence on the shaping of international relations is
absolutely incalculable. But America is a large country and its people have
so far not shown much interest in great international problems, among which
the problem of disarmament occupies first place today. This must be changed,
if only in the essential interests of the Americans. The last war has shown
that there are no longer any barriers between the continents and that the
destinies of all countries are closely interwoven. The people of this
country must realize that they have a great responsibility in the sphere of
international politics. The part of passive spectator is unworthy of this
country and is bound in the end to lead to disaster all round.

Reply to the Women of America

An American Women's League felt called upon to protest against
Einstein's visit to their country. They received the following answer.

Never yet have I experienced from the fair sex such energetic rejection
of all advances; or, if I have, never from so many at once.

But are they not quite right, these watchful citizenesses? Why should
one open one's doors to a person who devours hard-boiled capitalists with as
much appetite and gusto as the Cretan Minotaur in days gone by devoured
luscious Greek maidens, and on top of that is low-down enough to reject
every sort of war, except the unavoidable war with one's own wife? Therefore
give heed to your clever and patriotic women-folk and remember that the
Capitol of mighty Rome was once saved by the cackling of its faithful geese.


II

Politics and Pacifism

Peace

The importance of securing international peace was recognized by the
really great men of former generations. But the technical advances of our
times have turned this ethical postulate into a matter of life and death for
civilized mankind to-day, and made the taking of an active part in the
solution of the problem of peace a moral duty which no conscientious man can
shirk.

One has to realize that the powerful industrial groups concerned in the
manufacture of arms are doing their best in all countries to prevent the
peaceful settlement of international disputes, and that rulers can achieve
this great end only if they are sure of the vigorous support of the majority
of their peoples. In these days of democratic government the fate of the
nations hangs on themselves; each individual must always bear that in mind.

The Pacifist Problem

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am very glad of this opportunity of saying a few words to you about
the problem of pacificism. The course of events in the last few years has
once more shown us how little we are justified in leaving the struggle
against armaments and against the war spirit to the Governments. On the
other hand, the formation of large organizations with a large membership can
of itself bring us very little nearer to our goal. In my opinion, the best
method in this case is the violent one of conscientious objection, with the
aid of organizations for giving moral and material support to the courageous
conscientious objectors in each country. In this way we may succeed in
making the problem of pacificism an acute one, a real struggle which
attracts forceful natures. It is an illegal struggle, but a struggle for
people's real rights against their governments in so far as the latter
demand criminal acts of the citizen.

Many who think themselves good pacifists will jib at this out-and-out
pacifism, on patriotic grounds. Such people are not to be relied on in the
hour of crisis, as the World War amply proved.

I am most grateful to you for according me an opportunity to give you
my views in person.


Address to the Students' Disarmament Meeting

Preceding generations have presented us, in a highly developed science
and mechanical knowledge, with a most valuable gift which carries with it
possibilities of making our life free and beautiful such as no previous
generation has enjoyed. But this gift also brings with it dangers to our
existence as great as any that have ever threatened it.

The destiny of civilized humanity depends more than ever on the moral
forces it is capable of generating. Hence the task that confronts our age is
certainly no easier than the tasks our immediate predecessors successfully
performed.

The foodstuffs and other goods which the world needs can be produced in
far fewer hours of work than formerly. But this has made the problem of the
division of labour and the distribution of the goods produced far more
difficult. We all feel that the free play of economic forces, the
unregulated and unrestrained pursuit of wealth and power by the individual,
no longer leads automatically to a tolerable solution of these problems.
Production, labour, and distribution need to be organized on a definite
plan, in order to prevent valuable productive energies from being thrown
away and sections of the population from becoming impoverished and relapsing
into savagery. If unrestricted sacro egoismo leads to disastrous
consequences in economic life, it is a still worse guide in international
relations. The development of mechanical methods of warfare is such that
human life will become intolerable if people do not before long discover a
way of preventing war. The importance of this object is only equalled by the
inadequacy of the attempts hitherto made to attain it.

People seek to minimize the danger by limitation of armaments and
restrictive rules for the conduct of war. But war is not like a parlour-game
in which the players loyally stick to the rules. Where life