The History of England, from the Accession of James the Second - Volume 1 - Thomas Babington Macaulay (novel books to read TXT) 📗
- Author: Thomas Babington Macaulay
Book online «The History of England, from the Accession of James the Second - Volume 1 - Thomas Babington Macaulay (novel books to read TXT) 📗». Author Thomas Babington Macaulay
The reproach was but too well founded: but the
Long Parliament had at least allowed to the divines whom it
ejected a provision sufficient to keep them from starving; and
this example the Cavaliers, intoxicated with animosity, had not
the justice and humanity to follow.
Then came penal statutes against Nonconformists, statutes for
which precedents might too easily be found in the Puritan
legislation, but to which the King could not give his assent
without a breach of promises publicly made, in the most important
crisis of his life, to those on whom his fate depended. The
Presbyterians, in extreme distress and terror, fled to the foot
of the throne, and pleaded their recent services and the royal
faith solemnly and repeatedly plighted. The King wavered. He
could not deny his own hand and seal. He could not but be
conscious that he owed much to the petitioners. He was little in
the habit of resisting importunate solicitation. His temper was
not that of a persecutor. He disliked the Puritans indeed; but in
him dislike was a languid feeling, very little resembling the
energetic hatred which had burned in the heart of Laud. He was,
moreover, partial to the Roman Catholic religion; and he knew
that it would be impossible to grant liberty of worship to the
professors of that religion without extending the same indulgence
to Protestant dissenters. He therefore made a feeble attempt to
restrain the intolerant zeal of the House of Commons; but that
House was under the influence of far deeper convictions and far
stronger passions than his own. After a faint struggle he
yielded, and passed, with the show of alacrity, a series of
odious acts against the separatists. It was made a crime to
attend a dissenting place of worship. A single justice of the
peace might convict without a jury, and might, for the third
offence, pass sentence of transportation beyond sea for seven
years. With refined cruelty it was provided that the offender
should not be transported to New England, where he was likely to
find sympathising friends. If he returned to his own country
before the expiration of his term of exile, he was liable to
capital punishment. A new and most unreasonable test was imposed
on divines who had been deprived of their benefices for
nonconformity; and all who refused to take that test were
prohibited from coming within five miles of any town which was
governed by a corporation, of any town which was represented in
Parliament, or of any town where they had themselves resided as
ministers. The magistrates, by whom these rigorous statutes were
to be enforced, were in general men inflamed by party spirit and
by the remembrance of wrongs suffered in the time of the
commonwealth. The gaols were therefore soon crowded with
dissenters, and, among the sufferers, were some of whose genius
and virtue any Christian society might well be proud.
The Church of England was not ungrateful for the protection which
she received from the government. From the first day of her
existence, she had been attached to monarchy. But, during the
quarter of a century which followed the Restoration, her zeal for
royal authority and hereditary right passed all bounds. She had
suffered with the House of Stuart. She had been restored with
that House. She was connected with it by common interests,
friendships, and enmities. It seemed impossible that a day could
ever come when the ties which bound her to the children of her
august martyr would be sundered, and when the loyalty in which
she gloried would cease to be a pleasing and profitable duty. She
accordingly magnified in fulsome phrase that prerogative which
was constantly employed to defend and to aggrandise her, and
reprobated, much at her ease, the depravity of those whom
oppression, from which she was exempt, had goaded to rebellion.
Her favourite theme was the doctrine of non-resistance. That
doctrine she taught without any qualification, and followed out
to all its extreme consequences. Her disciples were never weary
of repeating that in no conceivable case, not even if England
were cursed with a King resembling Busiris or Phalaris, with a
King who, in defiance of law, and without the presence of
justice, should daily doom hundreds of innocent victims to
torture and death, would all the Estates of the realm united be
justified in withstanding his tyranny by physical force. Happily
the principles of human nature afford abundant security that such
theories will never be more than theories. The day of trial came;
and the very men who had most loudly and most sincerely professed
this extravagant loyalty were, in every county of England arrayed
in arms against the throne.
Property all over the kingdom was now again changing hands. The
national sales, not having been confirmed by Act of Parliament,
were regarded by the tribunals as nullities. The bishops, the
deans, the chapters, the Royalist nobility and gentry, reentered
on their confiscated estates, and ejected even purchasers who had
given fair prices. The losses which the Cavaliers had sustained
during the ascendency of their opponents were thus in part
repaired; but in part only. All actions for mesne profits were
effectually barred by the general amnesty; and the numerous
Royalists, who, in order to discharge fines imposed by the Long
Parliament, or in order to purchase the favour of powerful
Roundheads, had sold lands for much less than the real value,
were not relieved from the legal consequences of their own acts.
While these changes were in progress, a change still more
important took place in the morals and manners of the community.
Those passions and tastes which, under the rule of the Puritans,
had been sternly repressed, and, if gratified at all, had been
gratified by stealth, broke forth with ungovernable violence as
soon as the check was withdrawn. Men flew to frivolous amusements
and to criminal pleasures with the greediness which long and
enforced abstinence naturally produces. Little restraint was
imposed by public opinion. For the nation, nauseated with cant,
suspicious of all pretensions to sanctity and still smarting from
the recent tyranny of rulers austere in life and powerful in
prayer, looked for a time with complacency on the softer and
gayer vices. Still less restraint was imposed by the government.
Indeed there was no excess which was not encouraged by the
ostentatious profligacy of the King and of his favourite
courtiers. A few counsellors of Charles the First, who were now
no longer young, retained the decorous gravity which had been
thirty years before in fashion at Whitehall. Such were Clarendon
himself, and his friends, Thomas Wriothesley, Earl of
Southampton, Lord Treasurer, and James Butler, Duke of Ormond,
who, having through many vicissitudes struggled gallantly for the
royal cause in Ireland, now governed that kingdom as Lord
Lieutenant. But neither the memory of the services of these men,
nor their great power in the state, could protect them from the
sarcasms which modish vice loves to dart at obsolete virtue. The
praise of politeness and vivacity could now scarcely be obtained
except by some violation of decorum. Talents great and various
assisted to spread the contagion. Ethical philosophy had recently
taken a form well suited to please a generation equally devoted
to monarchy and to vice. Thomas Hobbes had, in language more
precise and luminous than has ever been employed by any other
metaphysical writer, maintained that the will of the prince was
the standard of right and wrong, and that every subject ought to
be ready to profess Popery, Mahometanism, or Paganism, at the
royal command. Thousands who were incompetent to appreciate what
was really valuable in his speculations, eagerly welcomed a
theory which, while it exalted the kingly office, relaxed the
obligations of morality, and degraded religion into a mere affair
of state. Hobbism soon became an almost essential part of the
character of the fine gentleman. All the lighter kinds of
literature were deeply tainted by the prevailing licentiousness.
Poetry stooped to be the pandar of every low desire. Ridicule,
instead of putting guilt and error to the blush, turned her
formidable shafts against innocence and truth. The restored
Church contended indeed against the prevailing immorality, but
contended feebly, and with half a heart. It was necessary to the
decorum of her character that she should admonish her erring
children: but her admonitions were given in a somewhat
perfunctory manner. Her attention was elsewhere engaged. Her
whole soul was in the work of crushing the Puritans, and of
teaching her disciples to give unto Caesar the things which were
Caesar's. She had been pillaged and oppressed by the party which
preached an austere morality. She had been restored to opulence
and honour by libertines. Little as the men of mirth and fashion
were disposed to shape their lives according to her precepts,
they were yet ready to fight knee deep in blood for her
cathedrals and places, for every line of her rubric and every
thread of her vestments. If the debauched Cavalier haunted
brothels and gambling houses, he at least avoided conventicles.
If he never spoke without uttering ribaldry and blasphemy, he
made some amends by his eagerness to send Baxter and Howe to
gaol for preaching and praying. Thus the clergy, for a time,
made war on schism with so much vigour that they had little
leisure to make war on vice. The ribaldry of Etherege and
Wycherley was, in the presence and under the special sanction of
the head of the Church, publicly recited by female lips in female
ears, while the author of the Pilgrim's Progress languished in a
dungeon for the crime of proclaiming the gospel to the poor. It
is an unquestionable and a most instructive fact that the years
during which the political power of the Anglican hierarchy was in
the zenith were precisely the years during which national virtue
was at the lowest point.
Scarcely any rank or profession escaped the infection of the
prevailing immorality; but those persons who made politics their
business were perhaps the most corrupt part of the corrupt
society. For they were exposed, not only to the same noxious
influences which affected the nation generally, but also to a
taint of a peculiar and of a most malignant kind. Their character
had been formed amidst frequent and violent revolutions and
counterrevolutions. In the course of a few years they had seen
the ecclesiastical and civil polity of their country repeatedly
changed. They had seen an Episcopal Church persecuting Puritans,
a Puritan Church persecuting Episcopalians, and an Episcopal
Church persecuting Puritans again. They had seen hereditary
monarchy abolished and restored. They had seen the Long
Parliament thrice supreme in the state, and thrice dissolved
amidst the curses and laughter of millions. They had seen a new
dynasty rapidly rising to the height of power and glory, and then
on
Long Parliament had at least allowed to the divines whom it
ejected a provision sufficient to keep them from starving; and
this example the Cavaliers, intoxicated with animosity, had not
the justice and humanity to follow.
Then came penal statutes against Nonconformists, statutes for
which precedents might too easily be found in the Puritan
legislation, but to which the King could not give his assent
without a breach of promises publicly made, in the most important
crisis of his life, to those on whom his fate depended. The
Presbyterians, in extreme distress and terror, fled to the foot
of the throne, and pleaded their recent services and the royal
faith solemnly and repeatedly plighted. The King wavered. He
could not deny his own hand and seal. He could not but be
conscious that he owed much to the petitioners. He was little in
the habit of resisting importunate solicitation. His temper was
not that of a persecutor. He disliked the Puritans indeed; but in
him dislike was a languid feeling, very little resembling the
energetic hatred which had burned in the heart of Laud. He was,
moreover, partial to the Roman Catholic religion; and he knew
that it would be impossible to grant liberty of worship to the
professors of that religion without extending the same indulgence
to Protestant dissenters. He therefore made a feeble attempt to
restrain the intolerant zeal of the House of Commons; but that
House was under the influence of far deeper convictions and far
stronger passions than his own. After a faint struggle he
yielded, and passed, with the show of alacrity, a series of
odious acts against the separatists. It was made a crime to
attend a dissenting place of worship. A single justice of the
peace might convict without a jury, and might, for the third
offence, pass sentence of transportation beyond sea for seven
years. With refined cruelty it was provided that the offender
should not be transported to New England, where he was likely to
find sympathising friends. If he returned to his own country
before the expiration of his term of exile, he was liable to
capital punishment. A new and most unreasonable test was imposed
on divines who had been deprived of their benefices for
nonconformity; and all who refused to take that test were
prohibited from coming within five miles of any town which was
governed by a corporation, of any town which was represented in
Parliament, or of any town where they had themselves resided as
ministers. The magistrates, by whom these rigorous statutes were
to be enforced, were in general men inflamed by party spirit and
by the remembrance of wrongs suffered in the time of the
commonwealth. The gaols were therefore soon crowded with
dissenters, and, among the sufferers, were some of whose genius
and virtue any Christian society might well be proud.
The Church of England was not ungrateful for the protection which
she received from the government. From the first day of her
existence, she had been attached to monarchy. But, during the
quarter of a century which followed the Restoration, her zeal for
royal authority and hereditary right passed all bounds. She had
suffered with the House of Stuart. She had been restored with
that House. She was connected with it by common interests,
friendships, and enmities. It seemed impossible that a day could
ever come when the ties which bound her to the children of her
august martyr would be sundered, and when the loyalty in which
she gloried would cease to be a pleasing and profitable duty. She
accordingly magnified in fulsome phrase that prerogative which
was constantly employed to defend and to aggrandise her, and
reprobated, much at her ease, the depravity of those whom
oppression, from which she was exempt, had goaded to rebellion.
Her favourite theme was the doctrine of non-resistance. That
doctrine she taught without any qualification, and followed out
to all its extreme consequences. Her disciples were never weary
of repeating that in no conceivable case, not even if England
were cursed with a King resembling Busiris or Phalaris, with a
King who, in defiance of law, and without the presence of
justice, should daily doom hundreds of innocent victims to
torture and death, would all the Estates of the realm united be
justified in withstanding his tyranny by physical force. Happily
the principles of human nature afford abundant security that such
theories will never be more than theories. The day of trial came;
and the very men who had most loudly and most sincerely professed
this extravagant loyalty were, in every county of England arrayed
in arms against the throne.
Property all over the kingdom was now again changing hands. The
national sales, not having been confirmed by Act of Parliament,
were regarded by the tribunals as nullities. The bishops, the
deans, the chapters, the Royalist nobility and gentry, reentered
on their confiscated estates, and ejected even purchasers who had
given fair prices. The losses which the Cavaliers had sustained
during the ascendency of their opponents were thus in part
repaired; but in part only. All actions for mesne profits were
effectually barred by the general amnesty; and the numerous
Royalists, who, in order to discharge fines imposed by the Long
Parliament, or in order to purchase the favour of powerful
Roundheads, had sold lands for much less than the real value,
were not relieved from the legal consequences of their own acts.
While these changes were in progress, a change still more
important took place in the morals and manners of the community.
Those passions and tastes which, under the rule of the Puritans,
had been sternly repressed, and, if gratified at all, had been
gratified by stealth, broke forth with ungovernable violence as
soon as the check was withdrawn. Men flew to frivolous amusements
and to criminal pleasures with the greediness which long and
enforced abstinence naturally produces. Little restraint was
imposed by public opinion. For the nation, nauseated with cant,
suspicious of all pretensions to sanctity and still smarting from
the recent tyranny of rulers austere in life and powerful in
prayer, looked for a time with complacency on the softer and
gayer vices. Still less restraint was imposed by the government.
Indeed there was no excess which was not encouraged by the
ostentatious profligacy of the King and of his favourite
courtiers. A few counsellors of Charles the First, who were now
no longer young, retained the decorous gravity which had been
thirty years before in fashion at Whitehall. Such were Clarendon
himself, and his friends, Thomas Wriothesley, Earl of
Southampton, Lord Treasurer, and James Butler, Duke of Ormond,
who, having through many vicissitudes struggled gallantly for the
royal cause in Ireland, now governed that kingdom as Lord
Lieutenant. But neither the memory of the services of these men,
nor their great power in the state, could protect them from the
sarcasms which modish vice loves to dart at obsolete virtue. The
praise of politeness and vivacity could now scarcely be obtained
except by some violation of decorum. Talents great and various
assisted to spread the contagion. Ethical philosophy had recently
taken a form well suited to please a generation equally devoted
to monarchy and to vice. Thomas Hobbes had, in language more
precise and luminous than has ever been employed by any other
metaphysical writer, maintained that the will of the prince was
the standard of right and wrong, and that every subject ought to
be ready to profess Popery, Mahometanism, or Paganism, at the
royal command. Thousands who were incompetent to appreciate what
was really valuable in his speculations, eagerly welcomed a
theory which, while it exalted the kingly office, relaxed the
obligations of morality, and degraded religion into a mere affair
of state. Hobbism soon became an almost essential part of the
character of the fine gentleman. All the lighter kinds of
literature were deeply tainted by the prevailing licentiousness.
Poetry stooped to be the pandar of every low desire. Ridicule,
instead of putting guilt and error to the blush, turned her
formidable shafts against innocence and truth. The restored
Church contended indeed against the prevailing immorality, but
contended feebly, and with half a heart. It was necessary to the
decorum of her character that she should admonish her erring
children: but her admonitions were given in a somewhat
perfunctory manner. Her attention was elsewhere engaged. Her
whole soul was in the work of crushing the Puritans, and of
teaching her disciples to give unto Caesar the things which were
Caesar's. She had been pillaged and oppressed by the party which
preached an austere morality. She had been restored to opulence
and honour by libertines. Little as the men of mirth and fashion
were disposed to shape their lives according to her precepts,
they were yet ready to fight knee deep in blood for her
cathedrals and places, for every line of her rubric and every
thread of her vestments. If the debauched Cavalier haunted
brothels and gambling houses, he at least avoided conventicles.
If he never spoke without uttering ribaldry and blasphemy, he
made some amends by his eagerness to send Baxter and Howe to
gaol for preaching and praying. Thus the clergy, for a time,
made war on schism with so much vigour that they had little
leisure to make war on vice. The ribaldry of Etherege and
Wycherley was, in the presence and under the special sanction of
the head of the Church, publicly recited by female lips in female
ears, while the author of the Pilgrim's Progress languished in a
dungeon for the crime of proclaiming the gospel to the poor. It
is an unquestionable and a most instructive fact that the years
during which the political power of the Anglican hierarchy was in
the zenith were precisely the years during which national virtue
was at the lowest point.
Scarcely any rank or profession escaped the infection of the
prevailing immorality; but those persons who made politics their
business were perhaps the most corrupt part of the corrupt
society. For they were exposed, not only to the same noxious
influences which affected the nation generally, but also to a
taint of a peculiar and of a most malignant kind. Their character
had been formed amidst frequent and violent revolutions and
counterrevolutions. In the course of a few years they had seen
the ecclesiastical and civil polity of their country repeatedly
changed. They had seen an Episcopal Church persecuting Puritans,
a Puritan Church persecuting Episcopalians, and an Episcopal
Church persecuting Puritans again. They had seen hereditary
monarchy abolished and restored. They had seen the Long
Parliament thrice supreme in the state, and thrice dissolved
amidst the curses and laughter of millions. They had seen a new
dynasty rapidly rising to the height of power and glory, and then
on
Free e-book «The History of England, from the Accession of James the Second - Volume 1 - Thomas Babington Macaulay (novel books to read TXT) 📗» - read online now
Similar e-books:
Comments (0)