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— The writer forgot to fulfil this promise.

[415] — POR QUE SAO COMO AS COMFRARYAS que NAS NOSSAS PARTES HAA.

[416] — A MUYTOS NATURAES DA TERRA.

[417] — MUNGUO. “Moong … green gram … a kind of vetch” (Yule and Burnell, Dict.).

[418] — MACHARUY.

[419] — A VINTEM = 1 7/20 of a penny.

[420] — Probably for FANAOS. But the plural of FANAO is usually given as FANOES.

[421] — ESTARNA. “A sort of small partridge with black feet” (Michaelis’ Dict.).

[422] — Here we have the plural FANOEES.

[423] — Povos is a place near Lisbon.

[424] — Anegundi.

[425] — Below, pp. 292, 293.

[426] — The stone bridge, built on rows of rough monolithic uprights, the remains of which are still to be seen near the temple of Vitthalasvami, appears, from the absence of allusion to it, to have been constructed at a later date.

[427] — This clearly alludes to the beautifully sculptured temple of Vitthalasvami, which is in the situation described.

[428] — This word is a puzzle. If the temple be, as seems most probable from the description, the principal temple at Hampe, still in use, I suggest that AOPE represents “Hampi” or “Hampe.” RADI may be “rajah,” or RADIAN may be “rajyam.” The name was perhaps given to Paes by some one who described it as “the royal Hampe temple” and this would accurately describe it. It was dedicated to Virupaksha, and was the cathedral of the great city.

[429] — The word used is ROMEYRA, which may mean either a pomegranate tree or a female pilgrim. The allusion is to the plaster figures and designs on the tower (CORUCHEO) above the gate.

[430] — CINZEYRO apparently means a place for ashes (CINZA). CINZAS are “ashes of the dead.” The reference may be to a place in a church where incense-burners are kept, or, as I think, equally well to the crypt, and this last sense seems better to suit the context.

[431] — SEUS for SEIS.

[432] — The word is omitted in the original.

[433] — BREDOS. See above, pp. 227, 245, notes.

[434] — For a discussion as to the dates given in Paes, see p. 140 ff. above.

[435] — TERREYRO. See above, p. 254. Evidently the place of arms is referred to.

[436] — PORTEYROS, PORTEYRO MOOR. These men are often mentioned in the chronicle. Their chief was one of the king’s most important officers, and I give him the title “Chief of the Guard.”

[437] — I am doubtful about this translation. The word used has probably some technical meaning. Yule’s Dictionary has SOOSIE from Persian susi. “Some kind of silk cloth, but we know not what kind.” The original passage runs: — “Quoanto ao pao, sabereis que he toda chea de sues soajes, e de liois todos d ouro, e no vao d estas soajes tem huas chapas d ouro com muytos robis,” &c.

[438] — CABO. I think this must mean the edge, the front, not the extreme end of the king’s balcony.

[439] — This is given in the singular number, probably by mistake, as the plural is used immediately afterwards AO CAVALLO ... OS ENCEMCA.

[440] — TAVOLEIRO.

[441] — PAREDES, probably for “purdahs” (Persian, PARDA), curtains or screens. The Portuguese word means a “wall.”

[442] — MOLHERES SOLTEIRAS E BAYLHADEIRAS, I.E. the dancing girls of the temple and palace.

[443] — LAVODES. See below, p. 276, note regarding LAUDES.

[444] — Saluva Timma, the minister. The name is spelt in various ways in the chronicles of both Paes and Nuniz. Krishna Deva owed his throne to him (below, p. 315).

[445] — The king of Seringapatam at this period was Bettada Chama Raya, who ruled the Mysore country from 1513 to 1552. He had three sons. The two eldest received at his death portions of his estate, but both died without issue. The third son was called “Hire” or “Vira” Chama. He was apparently the most powerful, and the best beloved of his father, since he received as his portion on the latter’s death the principal tract of Mysore, the town itself, and the neighbouring province. After the fall of Vijayanagar in 1565 he became practically independent, and ruled till the principal power was seized by his relative, Raja Udaiyar, in 1578. The word KUMARA (= “son”) is often applied in royal families in India to one of the reigning king’s offspring, and I venture to think that CUMARVIRYA represents KUMARA VIRAYYA, the king of Seringapatam being himself not present at these feasts, and the personage seen by Paes being his son Vira.

[446] — The writer begins again, “But returning to the feasts.” I have omitted the phrase here, as it has become rather monotonous.

[447] — A small gold coin, of which it is very difficult to assess the exact value. Abdur Razzak (1443) apparently makes it equal to the half pagoda; Varthema (1503 — 7) to the pagoda itself; and this latter is the sense in which we must take it. Varthema calls it a “gold ducat.” Purchas says it was in his day about the value of a Flemish dollar. The general value assigned in more recent days to the pagoda is 3 1/2 rupees, or seven shillings when the rupee stands at par value. (See Yule and Burnell’s Dictionary, “Hobson-Jobson,” S.V. “pagoda” and “pardao.” Yule apparently values it, at the period treated of, as about 4s. 6d.) Barros and Castanheda both agree with Paes that the pardao was worth 360 reis. (Below, p. 282.)

[448] — Kullayi in Telugu. See pp. 210, 252, note 2, and p. 383. These women appear to have worn men’s head-dresses.

[449] — The reins were not of leather, but of silk twisted into ropes.

[450] — I read the word in the MS. XISMAEL, and Mr. Lopes suggests that this stands for Sheik (XEQUE) Ismail. If so, undoubtedly Persia is meant.

[451] — LAUDEIS. This word, variously spelt, is constantly used. It appears to refer to the thick quilted tunics, strengthened by leather or metal pieces, which were so often worn in India in old days. They were in many cases richly ornamented, and formed a good defence against sword-cuts. The pillars of the elaborately ornamented KALYANA MANDAPA of the temple in the fort at Vellore in North Arcot, which was built during the Vijayanagar period, are carved with rearing horses, whose riders wear jerkins, apparently of leather, fastened with buttons and loops. It is possible that this was the body-clothing referred to by the chronicler. I can give no clue to the origin of the word, unless it be connected with the Kanarese LODU, “a stuffed cloth or cushion.” Barros, describing the dress of the Hindu cavalry in the Raichur campaign of 1520, says that they wore LAUDEES of cotton (EMBUTIDOS, whatever that may mean in this context — lit. “inlaid”), or body, head, and arms, strong enough to protect them against lance-thrusts or sword-cuts; the horses and elephants were similarly protected. Foot-soldiers carried no defensive armour “but only the LAUDEES.” — Dec. III. l. iv. c. 4.

[452] — LIOES. The meaning is not clear.

[453] — As to this large number see p. 147 ff. above.

[454] — Some details are given by Nuniz (below, p. 384 f.).

[455] — According to the quite independent testimony of Nuniz (below, p. 374) these were the “kings” of Bankapur, Gersoppa, Bakanur Calicut, and Bhatkal.

[456] — For a full note as to these chronological details see above, p. 140 ff.

[457] — The “Guandaja” of Nuniz (below, p. 361).

[458] — All these buildings are utterly destroyed, but there is no doubt that careful and systematic excavations would disclose the whole plan of the palace, and that in the ruins and debris would be found the remains of the beautiful sculptures described. Close behind the great decorated pavilion, from which the king and his court witnessed the feasts described by Paes, and therefore close to the gate just alluded to, are to be seen, half-buried in earth and debris, two large stone doors, each made of a single slab. The stone has been cut in panels to imitate woodwork, and teas large staples carved from the same block.

[459] — FEYTO DE HUAS MEYAS CANAS. I am doubtful as to the meaning of this. Examination of the mass of ruins now remaining would settle all these points. Stone sculptures were broken up and left. They were not removed. (See also p. 288 below.)

[460] — Mr. Ferguson has ingeniously emendated Senhor Lopes’s reading from YINAGEES POR QUE NAS QUE ESTAO METIDAS TO YMAGEES PEQUENAS QUE, &c … The MS., however, which is itself a copy, has POR QUE NAS.

[461] — SAO DE MEAS CANES (see above, p. 285). Meaning not understood, unless it be as rendered.

[462] — This description deserves special notice. The writer is evidently describing a MANDAPA richly sculptured, of which so many examples are still to be seen in temples, and he states that the whole of the stone carving was richly coloured and gilded. This probably was always the case. Traces of colour still remain on many of these buildings at Vijayanagar.

[463] — PRANHUS (see above, p. 241). Probably the sculptures were like many still to be seen in the temples of that date in Southern India, where the base of the pillar is elaborately carved with grotesque figures of elephants, horses, and monsters.

[464] — The gate still exists opposite the Anegundi ferry.

[465] — Krishnapura, where are the ruins of a fine temple.

[466] — It seems clear that this sentence must be interpolated, and perhaps also the whole of the last four paragraphs. For the penultimate sentence could not have formed part of the original chronicle of Paes, written perhaps in 1522, or thereabouts, as it refers to an event that took place in 1535 — 36.

[467] — Elsewhere called “Ondegema.” Its other name was Nagalapur. It is the modern Hospett. (See below, Nuniz, p. 387.)

[468] — This “general destruction” evidently refers to the conquest of Anegundi by Muhammad Taghlaq.

[469] — (See above, p. 8.) The date should be about 1330. Nuniz was here about a century wrong.

[470] — Delhi.

[471] — A common error with the foreigners. Properly speaking it was Cambaya which belonged to Gujarat.

[472] — Muhammad Taghlaq of Delhi.

[473] — Persia (above, p. 10).

[474] — I.E. the Balaghat, or country above the ghats. “The high land on the top is very flatte and good to build upon, called Ballagatte and Decan, and is inhabited and divided among divers kings and governors” (Linschoten, i. 65). Correa divides this part of India into “Bisnega, Balagate, and Cambay.”

[475] — This is the Portuguese rendering of the Adil Khan, or Adil Shah of Bijapur. “Idalxa” represents the latter title.

[476] — The description applies best to the Malprabha River, and perhaps “Duree” represents Dharwar.

[477] — Anegundi.

[478] — He was at that time only chief or king of Anegundi, Vijayanagar not having been yet founded.

[479] — These basket-boats are described by Paes (see above, p. 259).

[480] — I have not been able to identify this name. It is possible that the first syllable represents the word SRI, and that the whole may have been a special appellation of the upper fortress or citadel, on the rocky heights above the town of Anegundi.

[481] — There had been no special war with Anegundi that we know of; but the Rajah of that place had very possibly been directly affected by, if not actually engaged in, the wars between the Hindu Hoysala Ballalas and the rulers of Warangal and Gujarat on the one hand, and the Muhammadan invaders from Delhi on the other.

[482] — See Introduction, p. 13. “His kingdoms” (SEUS REYNOS) refers to the territories of Muhammad Taghlaq, whose barbarities had resulted

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