Life of St. Francis of Assisi - Paul Sabatier (free ebook reader for ipad txt) 📗
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raises no difficulty.
[9] 1 Cel., 56. Perhaps he was the son of that Thomas, Count of
Celano, to whom Ryccardi di S. Germano so often made allusion in
his chronicle: 1219-1223. See also two letters of Frederick II.
to Honorius III., on April 24 and 25, 1223, published in
Winckelmann: Acta imperii inedita , t. i., p. 232.
[10] Giord., 19.
[11] Giord., 30 and 31.
[12] Giord., 59. Cf. Glassberger, ann. 1230. The question
whether he is the author of the Dies iræ would be out of place
here.
[13] This is so true that the majority of historians have been
brought to believe in two generalates of Elias, one in
1227-1230, the other in 1236-1239. The letter Non ex odio of
Frederick II. (1239) gives the same idea: Revera papa iste
quemdam religiosum et timoratum fratrem Helyam, ministrum
ordinis fratrum minorum ab ipso beato Francisco patre ordinis
migrationis suæ tempore constitutum ... in odium nostrum ...
deposuit . Huillard-Breholles: Hist. dipl. Fred. II. , t. v.,
p. 346.
[14] He is named only once, 1 Cel., 48.
[15] 1 Cel., 95, 98, 105, 109. The account of the Benediction is
especially significant. Super quem inquit (Franciscus) tenes
dexteram meam? Super fratrem Heliam, inquiunt. Et ego sic volo,
sit.... 1 Cel., 108. Those last words obviously disclose the
intention. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 139.
[16] 1 Cel., 102; cf. 91 and 109. Brother Leo is not even named
in the whole work. Nor Angelo, Illuminato, Masseo either!
[17] 1 Cel., Prol., 73-75; 99-101; 121-126. Next to St. Francis,
Gregory IX. and Brother Elias (1 Cel., 69; 95; 98; 105; 108;
109) are in the foreground.
[18] 1 Cel., 18 and 19; 116 and 117.
[19] Those which occurred during the absence of Francis
(1220-1221). He overlooks the difficulties met at Rome in
seeking the approbation of the first Rule; he mentions those
connected neither with the second nor the third, and makes no
allusion to the circumstances which provoked them. He recognized
them, however, having lived in intimacy with Cæsar of Speyer,
the collaborator of the second (1221).
[20] For example, Francis's journey to Spain.
[21] 1 Cel., 1, 88. Et sola quæ necessaria magis occurrunt ad
præsens intendimus adnotare . It is to be observed that in the
prologue he speaks in the singular.
[22] In 1238 he had sent Elias to Cremona, charged with a
mission for Frederick II. Salembeni, ann. 1229. See also the
reception given by Gregory IX. to the appellants against the
General. Giord., 63.
[23] See the letter of Frederick II. to Elias upon the
translation of St. Elizabeth, May, 1236. Winkelmann, Acta i.,
p. 299. Cf. Huillard-Bréholles, Hist. dipl. Intr. p. cc.
[24] The authorities for this story are: Catalogus ministrorum
of Bernard of Besse, ap Ehrle, Zeitschrift , vol. 7 (1883),
p. 339; Speculum , 207b, and especially 167a-170a; Eccl., 13;
Giord., 61-63; Speculum , Morin., tract i., fo. 60b.
[25] Asserabat etiam ipse prædictus frater Helyas ... papam ...
fraudem facere de pecunia collecta ad succursum Terræ Sanctæ,
scripta etiam ad beneplacitum suum in camera sua bullare clam et
sine fratrum assensu et etiam cedulas vacuas, sed bullatas,
multas nunciis suis traderet ... et alia multa enormia imposuit
domino papæ ponens os suum in celo . Matth. Paris, Chron.
Maj. , ann. 1239 , ap Mon. Ger. hist. Script. , t. 28, p. 182.
Cf. Ficker, n. 2685.
[26] Vide Ryccardi di S. Germano, Chron. , ap Mon. Ger. hist.
Script. , t. 19, p. 380, ann. 1239. The letter of Frederick
complaining of the deposition of Elias (1239):
Huillard-Bréholles, Hist. Dipl. , v., pp. 346-349. Cf. the
Bull, Attendite ad petram , at the end of February, 1240,
ibid., pp. 777-779; Potthast, 10849.
[27] He was without doubt one of the bitterest adversaries of
the emperor. His village had been burnt in 1224, by order of
Frederick II., and the inhabitants transported to Sicily,
afterward to Malta. Ryccardi di S. Germano, loc. cit. , ann.
1223 and 1224.
[28] Vide the prologue to 2 Cel. and to the 3 Soc. Cf.
Glassberger, ann. 1244, An. fr. , ii., p. 68. Speculum ,
Morin, tract. i., 61b.
[29] Catalogus ministrorum , edited by Ehrle: Zeitschrift , t.
7 (1883). no. 5. Cf. Spec. , 208a. Mark of Lisbon speaks of it
a little more at length, but he gives the honor of it to
Giovanni of Parma, ed. Diola, t. ii., p. 38. On the other hand,
in manuscript 691 of the archives of the Sacro-Convento at
Assisi (a catalogue of the library of the convent made in 1381)
is found, fo. 45a, a note of that work: " Dyalogus sanctorum
fratrum cum postibus cujus principium est: Venerabilia gesta
patrum dignosque memoria, finis vero; non indigne feram me
quoque reperisse consortem. In quo libro omnes quaterni sunt
xiii ."
[30] The text was published for the first time by the
Bollandists (A. SS., Octobris, t. ii., pp. 723-742), after a
manuscript of the convent of the Brothers Minor of Louvain. It
is from this edition that we make our citations. The editions
published in Italy in the course of this century, cannot be
found, except the last, due to Abbé Amoni. This one,
unfortunately, is too faulty to serve as the basis of a
scientific study. It appeared in Rome in 1880 (8vo, pp. 184)
under the title: Legenda S. Francisci Assisiensis quæ dicitur
Legenda trium sociorum ex cod. membr. Biblioth. Vatic. num.
7339.
[31] 2 Cel., 2, 5; 3, 7; 1 Cel., 60; Bon., 113; 1 Cel., 84;
Bon., 149; 2 Cel., 2, 14; 3, 10.
[32] Giovanni di Parma retired thither in 1276 and lived there
almost entirely until his death (1288). Tribul. , Archiv. ,
vol. ii. (1886), p. 286.
[33] 3 Soc., 25-67.
[34] 3 Soc., 68-73.
[35] The minister-general Crescentius of Jesi was an avowed
adversary of the Zealots of the Rule. The contrary idea has been
held by M. Müller ( Anfänge , p. 180); but that learned scholar
is not, it appears, acquainted with the recitals of the
Chronicle of the Tribulations, which leave not a single doubt as
to the persecutions which he directed against the Zealots
( Archiv. , t. ii., pp. 257-260). Anyone who attempts to dispute
the historical worth of this proof will find a confirmation in
the bulls of August 5, 1244, and of February 7, 1246 (Potthast,
11450 and 12007). It was Crescentius, also, who obtained a bull
stating that the Basilica of Assisi was Caput et Mater
ordinis , while for the Zealots this rank pertained to the
Portiuncula (1 Cel., 106; 3 Soc., 56; Bon., 23; 2 Cel., 1, 12;
Conform. , 217 ff). (See also on Crescentius, Glassberger, ann.
1244, An. fr. , p. 69; Sbaralea, Bull. fr. , i., p. 502 ff;
Conform. , 121b. 1.) M. Müller has been led into error through
a blunder of Eccleston, 9 ( An. fr. , i., p. 235). It is evident
that the chapter of Genoa (1244) could not have pronounced
against the Declaratio Regulæ published November 14, 1245. On
the
[9] 1 Cel., 56. Perhaps he was the son of that Thomas, Count of
Celano, to whom Ryccardi di S. Germano so often made allusion in
his chronicle: 1219-1223. See also two letters of Frederick II.
to Honorius III., on April 24 and 25, 1223, published in
Winckelmann: Acta imperii inedita , t. i., p. 232.
[10] Giord., 19.
[11] Giord., 30 and 31.
[12] Giord., 59. Cf. Glassberger, ann. 1230. The question
whether he is the author of the Dies iræ would be out of place
here.
[13] This is so true that the majority of historians have been
brought to believe in two generalates of Elias, one in
1227-1230, the other in 1236-1239. The letter Non ex odio of
Frederick II. (1239) gives the same idea: Revera papa iste
quemdam religiosum et timoratum fratrem Helyam, ministrum
ordinis fratrum minorum ab ipso beato Francisco patre ordinis
migrationis suæ tempore constitutum ... in odium nostrum ...
deposuit . Huillard-Breholles: Hist. dipl. Fred. II. , t. v.,
p. 346.
[14] He is named only once, 1 Cel., 48.
[15] 1 Cel., 95, 98, 105, 109. The account of the Benediction is
especially significant. Super quem inquit (Franciscus) tenes
dexteram meam? Super fratrem Heliam, inquiunt. Et ego sic volo,
sit.... 1 Cel., 108. Those last words obviously disclose the
intention. Cf. 2 Cel., 3, 139.
[16] 1 Cel., 102; cf. 91 and 109. Brother Leo is not even named
in the whole work. Nor Angelo, Illuminato, Masseo either!
[17] 1 Cel., Prol., 73-75; 99-101; 121-126. Next to St. Francis,
Gregory IX. and Brother Elias (1 Cel., 69; 95; 98; 105; 108;
109) are in the foreground.
[18] 1 Cel., 18 and 19; 116 and 117.
[19] Those which occurred during the absence of Francis
(1220-1221). He overlooks the difficulties met at Rome in
seeking the approbation of the first Rule; he mentions those
connected neither with the second nor the third, and makes no
allusion to the circumstances which provoked them. He recognized
them, however, having lived in intimacy with Cæsar of Speyer,
the collaborator of the second (1221).
[20] For example, Francis's journey to Spain.
[21] 1 Cel., 1, 88. Et sola quæ necessaria magis occurrunt ad
præsens intendimus adnotare . It is to be observed that in the
prologue he speaks in the singular.
[22] In 1238 he had sent Elias to Cremona, charged with a
mission for Frederick II. Salembeni, ann. 1229. See also the
reception given by Gregory IX. to the appellants against the
General. Giord., 63.
[23] See the letter of Frederick II. to Elias upon the
translation of St. Elizabeth, May, 1236. Winkelmann, Acta i.,
p. 299. Cf. Huillard-Bréholles, Hist. dipl. Intr. p. cc.
[24] The authorities for this story are: Catalogus ministrorum
of Bernard of Besse, ap Ehrle, Zeitschrift , vol. 7 (1883),
p. 339; Speculum , 207b, and especially 167a-170a; Eccl., 13;
Giord., 61-63; Speculum , Morin., tract i., fo. 60b.
[25] Asserabat etiam ipse prædictus frater Helyas ... papam ...
fraudem facere de pecunia collecta ad succursum Terræ Sanctæ,
scripta etiam ad beneplacitum suum in camera sua bullare clam et
sine fratrum assensu et etiam cedulas vacuas, sed bullatas,
multas nunciis suis traderet ... et alia multa enormia imposuit
domino papæ ponens os suum in celo . Matth. Paris, Chron.
Maj. , ann. 1239 , ap Mon. Ger. hist. Script. , t. 28, p. 182.
Cf. Ficker, n. 2685.
[26] Vide Ryccardi di S. Germano, Chron. , ap Mon. Ger. hist.
Script. , t. 19, p. 380, ann. 1239. The letter of Frederick
complaining of the deposition of Elias (1239):
Huillard-Bréholles, Hist. Dipl. , v., pp. 346-349. Cf. the
Bull, Attendite ad petram , at the end of February, 1240,
ibid., pp. 777-779; Potthast, 10849.
[27] He was without doubt one of the bitterest adversaries of
the emperor. His village had been burnt in 1224, by order of
Frederick II., and the inhabitants transported to Sicily,
afterward to Malta. Ryccardi di S. Germano, loc. cit. , ann.
1223 and 1224.
[28] Vide the prologue to 2 Cel. and to the 3 Soc. Cf.
Glassberger, ann. 1244, An. fr. , ii., p. 68. Speculum ,
Morin, tract. i., 61b.
[29] Catalogus ministrorum , edited by Ehrle: Zeitschrift , t.
7 (1883). no. 5. Cf. Spec. , 208a. Mark of Lisbon speaks of it
a little more at length, but he gives the honor of it to
Giovanni of Parma, ed. Diola, t. ii., p. 38. On the other hand,
in manuscript 691 of the archives of the Sacro-Convento at
Assisi (a catalogue of the library of the convent made in 1381)
is found, fo. 45a, a note of that work: " Dyalogus sanctorum
fratrum cum postibus cujus principium est: Venerabilia gesta
patrum dignosque memoria, finis vero; non indigne feram me
quoque reperisse consortem. In quo libro omnes quaterni sunt
xiii ."
[30] The text was published for the first time by the
Bollandists (A. SS., Octobris, t. ii., pp. 723-742), after a
manuscript of the convent of the Brothers Minor of Louvain. It
is from this edition that we make our citations. The editions
published in Italy in the course of this century, cannot be
found, except the last, due to Abbé Amoni. This one,
unfortunately, is too faulty to serve as the basis of a
scientific study. It appeared in Rome in 1880 (8vo, pp. 184)
under the title: Legenda S. Francisci Assisiensis quæ dicitur
Legenda trium sociorum ex cod. membr. Biblioth. Vatic. num.
7339.
[31] 2 Cel., 2, 5; 3, 7; 1 Cel., 60; Bon., 113; 1 Cel., 84;
Bon., 149; 2 Cel., 2, 14; 3, 10.
[32] Giovanni di Parma retired thither in 1276 and lived there
almost entirely until his death (1288). Tribul. , Archiv. ,
vol. ii. (1886), p. 286.
[33] 3 Soc., 25-67.
[34] 3 Soc., 68-73.
[35] The minister-general Crescentius of Jesi was an avowed
adversary of the Zealots of the Rule. The contrary idea has been
held by M. Müller ( Anfänge , p. 180); but that learned scholar
is not, it appears, acquainted with the recitals of the
Chronicle of the Tribulations, which leave not a single doubt as
to the persecutions which he directed against the Zealots
( Archiv. , t. ii., pp. 257-260). Anyone who attempts to dispute
the historical worth of this proof will find a confirmation in
the bulls of August 5, 1244, and of February 7, 1246 (Potthast,
11450 and 12007). It was Crescentius, also, who obtained a bull
stating that the Basilica of Assisi was Caput et Mater
ordinis , while for the Zealots this rank pertained to the
Portiuncula (1 Cel., 106; 3 Soc., 56; Bon., 23; 2 Cel., 1, 12;
Conform. , 217 ff). (See also on Crescentius, Glassberger, ann.
1244, An. fr. , p. 69; Sbaralea, Bull. fr. , i., p. 502 ff;
Conform. , 121b. 1.) M. Müller has been led into error through
a blunder of Eccleston, 9 ( An. fr. , i., p. 235). It is evident
that the chapter of Genoa (1244) could not have pronounced
against the Declaratio Regulæ published November 14, 1245. On
the
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