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tag="{http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml}a">To Colonel T. M. Randolph, Aug. 11, 1787266 To the Reverend James Madison, Aug. 13, 1787269 To the Honorable J. Blair, Aug. 13, 1787272 To Joseph Jones, Aug. 14, 1787273 To General George Washington, Aug. 14, 1787274 To Colonel David Humphreys, Aug. 14, 1787278 To John Jay, Aug. 15, 1787280 To James Madison, Aug. 15, 1787281 To the Count del Vermi, Aug. 15, 1787282 To John Adams, Aug. 30, 1787285 To Monsieur le Comte de Montmorin, Sept. 8, 1787289 To Andrew Limozin, Sept. 9, 1787291 To T. Blake, Sept. 9, 1787293 To John Bondfield, Sept. 9, 1787293 To C. W. F. Dumas, Sept. 10, 1787294 To Don Francisco Chiappi, Sept. 15, 1787295 To George Wythe, Sept. 16, 1787296 To David Rittenhouse, Sept. 18, 1787301 To the Honorable Commissioners of the Treasury, Sept. 18, 1787303 To John Jay, Sept. 19, 1787304 To Charles Thompson, Sept. 20, 1787311 To John Jay, Sept. 22, 1787314 To John Jay, Sept. 22, 1787315 To Burrill Carnes, Sept. 22, 1787318 To Andrew Limozin, Sept. 22, 1787319 To John Jay, Sept. 24, 1787320 To John Adams, Sept. 28, 1787321 To Colonel William S. Smith, Sept. 28, 1787323 To Monsieur le Comte de Buffon, Oct. 3, 1787325 To C. W. F. Dumas, Oct. 4, 1787327 To General John Sullivan, Oct. 5, 1787328 To John Jay, Oct. 8, 1787330 To James Madison, Oct. 8, 17S7335 To John Jay, Oct. 8, 1787336 To Monsieur le Comte de Moustier, Oct. 9, 1787339 To Madame de Brehan, Oct. 9, 1787340 To Andrew Limozin, Oct. 9, 1787340 To C. W. F. Dumas, Oct. 14, 1787341 To Madame de Corny, Oct. 18, 1787342 To the Count de Montmorin, Oct. 23, 1787344 To Monsieur l'Abbé de Morellet, Oct. 24, 1787347 To John Jay, Oct. 27, 1787348 To John Jay, Nov. 3, 1787349 To John Jay, Nov. 3, 1787359 To the Count de Montmorin, Nov. 6, 1787363 To John Jay, Nov. 7, 1787367 To John Adams, Nov. 13, 1787368 To Colonel William S. Smith, Nov. 13, 1787371 To James Maury, Nov. 13, 1787374 To C. W. F. Dumas, Dec. 9, 1787376 To William Carmichael, Dec. 11, 1787378 To John Adams, Dec. 12, 1787383 To James Madison, Dec. 20, 1787385 To Edward Carrington, Dec. 21, 1787393 To John Jay, Dec. 21, 1787397 To Andrew Limozin, Dec. 22, 1787400 To the Board of Treasury, Dec. 30, 1787402 To John Jay, Dec. 31, 1787402 To Monsieur Lambert (Controller-General), Jan. 3, 1788411 To the Chevalier de Quesnay de Beaurepaire, Jan. 6, 1788412 To William Drayton, Jan. 13, 1788413 To le Comte de Bernstorff, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Copenhagen, Jan. 21, 1788414 To William Rutledge, Feb. 2, 1788417 To John Adams, Feb. 6, 1788419 To the Commissioners of the Treasury, Feb. 7, 1788421 To Doctor Price, Feb. 7, 1788424 To Alexander Donald, Feb. 7, 1788425 To Brissot de Warville, Feb. 12, 1788428 To C. W. F. Dumas, Feb. 12, 1788429 To Monsieur de Bertrous, Feb. 21, 1788431 To Monsieur Trouchin, Feb. 26, 1788432 To John Adams, March 2, 1788434 To John Jay, March 13, 1788435 To John Jay, March 16, 1788436 To C. W. F. Dumas, March 29, 1788441 To the Commissioners of the Treasury, March 29, 1788443 To William Short, March 29, 1788445 To General George Washington, May 2, 1788447 To James Madison, May 3, 1788455



 

David Humphreys

David Humphreys
Photogravure from the Original Painting by Herring


ILLUSTRATIONS. Jefferson at Sixty-twoFrontispiece
Photogravure from the Original Crayon Drawing by St. Memin FACING PAGE   The First Prayer in Congressxx
Photogravure from the Original Painting by T. H. Matteson David Humphreysxxvi
Photogravure from the Original Painting by Herring John Jay366
Photogravure from the Original Painting by Stuart and Trumbull CORRESPONDENCE.
LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE.
1784-1789.


JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE.
1784-1789.

 

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Paris, November 14, 1786.

Sir,—The house of Le Coulteux, which for some centuries has been the wealthiest of this place, has it in contemplation to establish a great company for the fur trade. They propose that partners interested one half in the establishment, should be American citizens, born and residing in the United States. Yet if I understood them rightly, they expect that that half of the company which resides here, should make the greatest part, or perhaps the whole of the advances, while those on our side of the water should superintend the details. They had, at first, thought of Baltimore as the centre of their American transactions. I have pointed out to them the advantages of Alexandria for this purpose. They have concluded to take information as to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, for a principal deposit, and having no correspondent at Alexandria, have asked me to procure a state of the advantages of that place, as also to get a recommendation of the best merchant there, to be adopted as partner and head of the business there. Skill, punctuality and integrity are the requisites in such a character. They will decide on their whole information, as to the place for their principal factory. Being unwilling that Alexandria should lose its pretensions, I have undertaken to procure them information as to that place. If they undertake this trade at all, it will be on so great a scale as to decide the current of the Indian trade to the place they adopt. I have no acquaintance at Alexandria or in its neighborhood; but, believing you would feel an interest in the matter, from the same motives which I do, I venture to ask the favor of you to recommend to me a proper merchant for their purpose, and to engage some well-informed person to send me a representation of the advantages of Alexandria, as the principal deposit of the fur trade.

The author of the political part of the "Encyclopédie Methodique" desired me to examine his article, "Etats Unis." I did so. I found it a tissue of errors; for, in truth, they know nothing about us here. Particularly, however, the article "Cincinnati" was a mere philippic against that institution; in which it appeared that there was an utter ignorance of facts and motives. I gave him notes on it. He reformed it, as he supposed, and sent it again to me to revise. In this reformed state, Colonel Humphreys saw it. I found it necessary to write that article for him. Before I gave it to him, I showed it to the Marquis de La Fayette, who made a correction or two. I then sent it to the author. He used the materials, mixing a great deal of his own with them. In a work, which is sure of going down to the latest posterity, I thought it material to set facts to rights as much as possible. The author was well disposed; but could not entirely get the better of his original bias. I send you the article as ultimately published. If you find any material errors in it, and will be so good as to inform me of them, I shall probably have opportunities of setting this author to rights. What has heretofore passed between us on this institution, makes it my duty to mention to you, that I have never heard a person in Europe, learned or unlearned, express his thoughts on this institution, who did not consider it as dishonorable and destructive to our governments; and that every writing which has come out since my arrival here, in which it is mentioned, considers it, even as now reformed, as the germ whose development is one day to destroy the fabric we have reared. I did not apprehend this, while I had American ideas only. But I confess that what I have seen in Europe has brought me over to that opinion; and that though the day may be at some distance, beyond the reach of our lives perhaps, yet it will certainly come, when a single fibre left of this institution will produce an hereditary aristocracy, which will change the form of our governments from the best to the worst in the world. To know the mass of evil which flows from this fatal source, a person must be in France; he must see the finest soil, the finest climate, the most compact State, the most benevolent character of people, and every earthly advantage combined, insufficient to prevent this scourge from rendering existence a curse to twenty-four out of twenty-five parts of the inhabitants of this country. With us, the branches of this institution cover all the States. The southern ones, at this time, are aristocratical in their dispositions; and, that that spirit should grow and extend itself, is within the natural order of things. I do not flatter myself with the immortality of our governments; but I shall think little also of their longevity, unless this germ of destruction be taken out. When the society themselves shall weigh the possibility of evil, against the impossibility of any good to proceed from this institution, I cannot help hoping they will eradicate it. I know they wish the permanence of our governments, as much as any individuals composing them.

An interruption here, and the departure of the gentleman by whom I send this, oblige me to conclude it, with assurances of the sincere respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

 

TO MONSIEUR CHAS.

Paris, December 7, 1786.

Sir,—I should with great pleasure have perused your manuscript of the history of the American Revolution, but that it comes to me in the moment of my setting out on a journey into the south of France, where I am to pass the winter. In the few moments of leisure which my preparations for that journey admitted, I have read some detached parts, and find that it would have been very interesting to me. In one of these (page 60), I have taken the liberty of noting a circumstance which is not true, and to which I believe M. d'Aubertueil first gave a place in history. In page 75, I observe it says that Congress removed to Hartford, but this is a misinformation. They never sat there. In general, I would observe to you, that where there is no other authority for a fact than the history of d'Aubertueil, it will not be safe to hazard it. These authors have been led into an infinitude of errors, probably by trusting to the English papers, or to the European ones, copied from them. It is impossible to resort to a more impure source. I

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