Sixteen Experimental Investigations from the Harvard Psychological Laboratory - Hugo Münsterberg (best life changing books txt) 📗
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felt both contacts I took two brass rods about four inches long,
sharpened one end and rounded off the other. The subject sat with the
palm of his right hand on the back of his left and his fingers
interlaced. I stimulated the back of his fingers on the second
phalanges with the sharp end of one rod and the blunt end of the other
and asked him to tell whether the sharp point was to the right or to
the left of the other. I will not give the results in detail here, but
only wish to mention a few things for the purpose of illustrating the
point in question. Many of the answers were wrong. Frequently the
subject would say both were on the same finger, when really they were
on fingers of opposite hands, which, however, in this position were
adjacent fingers. Sometimes when this happened I would ask him which
finger they were on, and after he had answered I would leave the point
on the finger on which he said both points were and move the other
point over to the same finger, then move it back to its original
position, then again over to the finger on which the other point was
resting, and so on, several times. The subject would tell me that I
was raising one point and putting it down again in the same place all
of the time. Often a subject would tell me he felt both points on the
same finger, but that he could not tell to which hand the finger
belonged. When two or more fingers intervened between the fingers
touched no subject ever had any difficulty in telling which was the
sharp and which the blunt point, but when adjacent fingers were
touched it was very common for the subject to say he could not tell
which was which. This cannot be because there is more difference in
the quality of the contacts in one case than in the other. If they
were on the same finger it might be said that they were stimulating
the same general area, but since one is on one hand and one on the
other this is impossible. The subject does not think the two points
are in the same place, because he feels two qualities and hence he
infers two things, and he knows two things cannot be in the same place
at the same time. If the two contacts were of the same quality
probably they would be perceived as one on account of the absence of
difference, for the absence of difference is precisely the quality of
oneness.
These facts, together with those mentioned before, seem to me to
indicate that errors of localization are largely responsible for
judgments which seem to be due to fusion or diffusion of sensations.
But they are responsible only in this way, they prevent the correction
of the first impression. I do not mean that a person never changes his
judgment after having once made it, but a change of judgment is not
necessarily a correction. Often it is just the contrary. But where a
wrong judgment is made and cannot be corrected inability to localize
is a prominent factor. This, however, is only a secondary factor in
the perception of number. The cardinal point seems to me the
following:
Any touch sensation, no matter by how many objects it is produced, is
one, and number is an inference based on a temporal series of
sensations. It may be that we can learn by association to infer number
immediately from the quality of a sensation, but that means only that
we recognize the sensation as one we have had before and have found it
convenient to separate into parts and regard one part after the other,
and we remember into how many parts we separated it. This separating
into parts is a time process. What we shall regard as one is a mere
matter of convenience. Continuity sometimes affords a convenient basis
for unity and sometimes it does not. There is no standard of oneness
in the objective world. We separate things as far as convenience or
time permits and then stop and call that one which our own attitude
has determined shall be one.
That we do associate a sensation with whatever idea we have previously
connected it with, even though that idea be that of the number of
objects producing it, is clearly shown by some experiments which I
performed in the laboratory of Columbia University. I took three
little round pieces of wood and set them in the form of a triangle. I
asked the subject to pass his right hand through a screen and told him
I wanted to train him to perceive one, two, three and four contacts at
a time on the back of his hand, and that I would tell him always how
many I gave him until he learned to do it. When it came to three I
gave him two points near the knuckles and one toward the wrist and
told him that was three. Then I turned the instrument around and gave
him one point near the knuckles and two toward the wrist and told him
that was four. As soon as he was sure he distinguished all of the
points I stopped telling him and asked him to answer the number. I had
four subjects, and each one learned very soon to recognize the four
contacts when three were given in the manner mentioned above. I then
repeated the same thing on the left hand, except that I did not tell
him anything, but merely asked him to answer the number of contacts he
felt. In every case the idea of four was so firmly associated with
that particular kind of a sensation that it was still called four when
given on the hand which had not been trained. I gave each subject a
diagram of his hand and asked him to indicate the position of the
points when three were given and when four were given. This was done
without difficulty. Two subjects said they perceived the four contacts
more distinctly than the three, and two said they perceived the three
more distinctly than the four.
It seems very evident that the sensation produced by three contacts is
no more complex when interpreted as four than when interpreted as
three. If that is true, then it must also be evident that the
sensation produced by one contact is no more complex when interpreted
as two than when interpreted as one. The converse should also be true,
that the sensation produced by two contacts is no less complex when
interpreted as one than when interpreted as two. Difference in number
does not indicate difference in complexity. The sensation of four is
not made up of four sensations of one. It is a unit as much as the
sensation of one is.
There remains but one point to be elaborated. If number is not a
quality of objects, but is merely a matter of attitude of the subject,
we should not expect to find a very clear-cut line of demarcation
between the different numbers except with regard to those things which
we constantly consider in terms of number. Some of our associations
are so firmly established and so uniform that we are likely to regard
them as necessary. It is not so with our associations of number and
touch sensations. We have there only a vague, general notion of what
the sensation of one or two is, because usually it does not make much
difference to us, yet some sensations are so well established in our
minds that we call them one, two or four as the case may be without
hesitation. Other sensations are not so, and it is difficult to tell
to which class they belong. Just so it is easy to tell a pure yellow
color from a pure orange, yet they shade into each other, so that it
is impossible to tell where one leaves off and the other begins. If we
could speak of a one-two sensation as we speak of a yellow-orange
color we might be better able to describe our sensations. It would,
indeed, be convenient if we could call a sensation which seems like
one with a suggestion of two about it a two-one sensation, and one
that seems nearly like two but yet suggests one a one-two sensation.
Since we cannot do this, we must do the best we can and describe a
sensation in terms of the number it most strongly suggests. Subjects
very often, as has been mentioned before, describe a sensation as
‘more than one but less than two,’ but when pressed for an answer will
say whichever number it most resembles. A person would do the same
thing if he were shown spectral colors from orange to yellow and told
to name each one either orange or yellow. At one end he would be sure
to say orange and at the other yellow, but in the middle of the series
his answers would likely depend upon the order in which the colors
were shown, just as in determining the threshold for the perception of
two points by the method of minimal changes the answers in the
ascending series are not the same as those in the descending series.
The experiments have shown that the sensation produced by two points,
even when they are called one, is not the same as that produced by
only one point, but the difference is not great enough to suggest a
different number.
If the difference between one and two were determined by the distance,
then the substitution of lines for knobs of the æsthesiometer ought to
make no difference. And if the sensations produced by two objects fuse
when near together, then the sensations produced by lines ought to
fuse as easily as those produced by knobs.
In regard to the higher numbers difficulties will arise unless we take
the same point of view and say that number is an inference from a
sensation which is in itself a unit. It has been shown that four
points across the ends of the fingers will be called four or less, and
that four points, one on the end of each alternate finger and one at
the base of each of the others, will be called four or more—usually
more. In either case each contact is on a separate finger, and it is
hardly reasonable to suppose there is no diffusion when they are in a
straight row, but that when they are in irregular shape there is
diffusion. It is more probable that the subject regards the sensation
produced by the irregular arrangement as a novelty, and tries to
separate it into parts. He finds both proximal and distal ends of his
fingers concerned. He may discover that the area covered extends from
his index to his little finger. He naturally infers, judging from past
experience, that it would take a good many points to do that, and
hence he overestimates the number. When a novel arrangement was given,
such as moving some of the weights back on the wrist and scattering
others over the fingers, very little idea of number could be gotten,
yet they were certainly far enough apart to be felt one by one if a
person could ever feel them that way, and the number was not so great
as to be entirely unrecognizable.
*
THE SUBJECTIVE HORIZON.
BY ROBERT MACDOUGALL.
I.
The general nature of the factors which enter into the orientation of
the main axes of our bodies, under normal and abnormal conditions, has
been of much interest to the psychologist in connection with the
problem of the development of space and movement perception. The
special
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