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A History of Science, Volume 1, by Henry Smith Williams
Scanned by Charles Keller with OmniPage Professional OCR software
A HISTORY OF SCIENCE BYHENRY SMITH WILLIAMS, M.D., LL.D.
ASSISTED BYEDWARD H. WILLIAMS, M.D.
IN FIVE VOLUMESVOLUME IV.
MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES A HISTORY OF SCIENCE BOOK IVMODERN DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES
AS regards chronology, the epoch covered in the present volume is
identical with that viewed in the preceding one. But now as
regards subject matter we pass on to those diverse phases of the
physical world which are the field of the chemist, and to those
yet more intricate processes which have to do with living
organisms. So radical are the changes here that we seem to be
entering new worlds; and yet, here as before, there are
intimations of the new discoveries away back in the Greek days.
The solution of the problem of respiration will remind us that
Anaxagoras half guessed the secret; and in those diversified
studies which tell us of the Daltonian atom in its wonderful
transmutations, we shall be reminded again of the Clazomenian
philosopher and his successor Democritus.
Yet we should press the analogy much too far were we to intimate
that the Greek of the elder day or any thinker of a more recent
period had penetrated, even in the vaguest way, all of the
mysteries that the nineteenth century has revealed in the fields
of chemistry and biology. At the very most the insight of those
great Greeks and of the wonderful seventeenth-century
philosophers who so often seemed on the verge of our later
discoveries did no more than vaguely anticipate their successors
of this later century. To gain an accurate, really specific
knowledge of the properties of elementary bodies was reserved for
the chemists of a recent epoch. The vague Greek questionings as
to organic evolution were world-wide from the precise inductions
of a Darwin. If the mediaeval Arabian endeavored to dull the
knife of the surgeon with the use of drugs, his results hardly
merit to be termed even an anticipation of modern anaesthesia.
And when we speak of preventive medicine—of bacteriology in all
its phases—we have to do with a marvellous field of which no
previous generation of men had even the slightest inkling.
All in all, then, those that lie before us are perhaps the most
wonderful and the most fascinating of all the fields of science.
As the chapters of the preceding book carried us out into a
macrocosm of inconceivable magnitude, our present studies are to
reveal a microcosm of equally inconceivable smallness. As the
studies of the physicist attempted to reveal the very nature of
matter and of energy, we have now to seek the solution of the yet
more inscrutable problems of life and of mind.
I. THE PHLOGISTON THEORY IN CHEMISTRY
The development of the science of chemistry from the “science” of
alchemy is a striking example of the complete revolution in the
attitude of observers in the field of science. As has been
pointed out in a preceding chapter, the alchemist, having a
preconceived idea of how things should be, made all his
experiments to prove his preconceived theory; while the chemist
reverses this attitude of mind and bases his conceptions on the
results of his laboratory experiments. In short, chemistry is
what alchemy never could be, an inductive science. But this
transition from one point of view to an exactly opposite one was
necessarily a very slow process. Ideas that have held undisputed
sway over the minds of succeeding generations for hundreds of
years cannot be overthrown in a moment, unless the agent of such
an overthrow be so obvious that it cannot be challenged. The
rudimentary chemistry that overthrew alchemy had nothing so
obvious and palpable.
The great first step was the substitution of the one principle,
phlogiston, for the three principles, salt, sulphur, and mercury.
We have seen how the experiment of burning or calcining such a
metal as lead “destroyed” the lead as such, leaving an entirely
different substance in its place, and how the original metal
could be restored by the addition of wheat to the calcined
product. To the alchemist this was “mortification” and
“revivification” of the metal. For, as pointed out by
Paracelsus, “anything that could be killed by man could also be
revivified by him, although this was not possible to the things
killed by God.” The burning of such substances as wood, wax,
oil, etc., was also looked upon as the same “killing” process,
and the fact that the alchemist was unable to revivify them was
regarded as simply the lack of skill on his part, and in no wise
affecting the theory itself.
But the iconoclastic spirit, if not the acceptance of all the
teachings, of the great Paracelsus had been gradually taking root
among the better class of alchemists, and about the middle of the
seventeenth century Robert Boyle (1626-1691) called attention to
the possibility of making a wrong deduction from the phenomenon
of the calcination of the metals, because of a very important
factor, the action of the air, which was generally overlooked.
And he urged his colleagues of the laboratories to give greater
heed to certain other phenomena that might pass unnoticed in the
ordinary calcinating process. In his work, The Sceptical Chemist,
he showed the reasons for doubting the threefold constitution of
matter; and in his General History of the Air advanced some novel
and carefully studied theories as to the composition of the
atmosphere. This was an important step, and although Boyle is not
directly responsible for the phlogiston theory, it is probable
that his experiments on the atmosphere influenced considerably
the real founders, Becker and Stahl.
Boyle gave very definitely his idea of how he thought air might
be composed. “I conjecture that the atmospherical air consists of
three different kinds of corpuscles,” he says; “the first, those
numberless particles which, in the form of vapors or dry
exhalations, ascend from the earth, water, minerals, vegetables,
animals, etc.; in a word, whatever substances are elevated by the
celestial or subterraneal heat, and thence diffused into the
atmosphere. The second may be yet more subtle, and consist of
those exceedingly minute atoms, the magnetical effluvia of the
earth, with other innumerable particles sent out from the bodies
of the celestial luminaries, and causing, by their influence, the
idea of light in us. The third sort is its characteristic and
essential property, I mean permanently elastic parts. Various
hypotheses may be framed relating to the structure of these later
particles of the air. They might be resembled to the springs of
watches, coiled up and endeavoring to restore themselves; to
wool, which, being compressed, has an elastic force; to slender
wires of different substances, consistencies, lengths, and
thickness; in greater curls or less, near to, or remote from each
other, etc., yet all continuing springy, expansible, and
compressible. Lastly, they may also be compared to the thin
shavings of different kinds of wood, various in their lengths,
breadth, and thickness. And this, perhaps, will seem the most
eligible hypothesis, because it, in some measure, illustrates the
production of the elastic particles we are considering. For no
art or curious instruments are required to make these shavings
whose curls are in no wise uniform, but seemingly casual; and
what is more remarkable, bodies that before seemed unelastic, as
beams and blocks, will afford them.”[1]
Although this explanation of the composition of the air is most
crude, it had the effect of directing attention to the fact that
the atmosphere is not “mere nothingness,” but a “something” with
a definite composition, and this served as a good foundation for
future investigations. To be sure, Boyle was neither the first
nor the only chemist who had suspected that the air was a mixture
of gases, and not a simple one, and that only certain of these
gases take part in the process of calcination. Jean Rey, a
French physician, and John Mayow, an Englishman, had preformed
experiments which showed conclusively that the air was not a
simple substance; but Boyle’s work was better known, and in its
effect probably more important. But with all Boyle’s explanations
of the composition of air, he still believed that there was an
inexplicable something, a “vital substance,” which he was unable
to fathom, and which later became the basis of Stahl’s phlogiston
theory. Commenting on this mysterious substance, Boyle says:
“The, difficulty we find in keeping flame and fire alive, though
but for a little time, without air, renders it suspicious that
there be dispersed through the rest of the atmosphere some odd
substance, either of a solar, astral, or other foreign nature; on
account of which the air is so necessary to the substance of
flame!” It was this idea that attracted the attention of George
Ernst Stahl (1660-1734), a professor of medicine in the
University of Halle, who later founded his new theory upon it.
Stahl’s theory was a development of an earlier chemist, Johann
Joachim Becker (1635-1682), in whose footsteps he followed and
whose experiments he carried further.
In many experiments Stahl had been struck with the fact that
certain substances, while differing widely, from one another in
many respects, were alike in combustibility. From this he argued
that all combustible substances must contain a common principle,
and this principle he named phlogiston. This phlogiston he
believed to be intimately associated in combination with other
substances in nature, and in that condition not perceivable by
the senses; but it was supposed to escape as a substance burned,
and become apparent to the senses as fire or flame. In other
words, phlogiston was something imprisoned in a combustible
structure (itself forming part of the structure), and only
liberated when this structure was destroyed. Fire, or flame, was
FREE phlogiston, while the imprisoned phlogiston was called
COMBINED PHLOGISTON, or combined fire. The peculiar quality of
this strange substance was that it disliked freedom and was
always striving to conceal itself in some combustible substance.
Boyle’s tentative suggestion that heat was simply motion was
apparently not accepted by Stahl, or perhaps it was unknown to
him.
According to the phlogistic theory, the part remaining after a
substance was burned was simply the original substance deprived
of phlogiston. To restore the original combustible substance, it
was necessary to heat the residue of the combustion with
something that burned easily, so that the freed phlogiston might
again combine with the ashes. This was explained by the
supposition that the more combustible a substance was the more
phlogiston it contained, and since free phlogiston sought always
to combine with some suitable substance, it was only necessary to
mix the phlogisticating agents, such as charcoal, phosphorus,
oils, fats, etc., with the ashes of the original substance, and
heat the mixture, the phlogiston thus freed uniting at once with
the ashes. This theory fitted very nicely as applied to the
calcined lead revivified by the grains of wheat, although with
some other products of calcination it did not seem to apply at
all.
It will be seen from this that the phlogistic theory was a step
towards chemistry and away from alchemy. It led away from the
idea of a “spirit” in metals that could not be seen, felt, or
appreciated by any of the senses, and substituted for it a
principle which, although a falsely conceived one, was still much
more tangible than the “spirit,” since it could be seen and felt
as free phlogiston and weighed and measured as combined
phlogiston. The definiteness of the
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