The History of the Thirty Years' War - Friedrich Schiller (feel good fiction books TXT) 📗

Contents


Book I.

Introduction. - General effects of the Reformation. - Revolt of Matthias. - The Emperor cedes Austria and Hungary to him. - Matthias acknowledged King of Bohemia. - The Elector of Cologne abjures the Catholic Religion. - Consequences. - The Elector Palatine. - Dispute respecting the Succession of Juliers. - Designs of Henry IV. of France. - Formation of the Union. - The League. - Death of the Emperor Rodolph. - Matthias succeeds him. - Troubles in Bohemia. - Civil War. - Ferdinand extirpates the Protestant Religion from Styria. - The Elector Palatine, Frederick V., is chosen King by the Bohemians. - He accepts the Crown of Bohemia. - Bethlen Gabor, Prince of Transylvania, invades Austria. - The Duke of Bavaria and the Princes of the League embrace the cause of Ferdinand. - The Union arm for Frederick. - The Battle of Prague and total subjection of Bohemia.


Book II.

State of the Empire. - Of Europe. - Mansfeld. - Christian, Duke of Brunswick. - Wallenstein raises an Imperial Army at his own expense.
- The King of Denmark defeated. - Death of Mansfeld. - Edict of Restitution in 1628. - Diet at Ratisbon. - Negociations. - Wallenstein deprived of the Command. - Gustavus Adolphus. - Swedish Army. - Gustavus Adolphus takes his leave of the States at Stockholm. - Invasion by the Swedes. - Their progress in Germany. - Count Tilly takes the Command of the Imperial Troops. - Treaty with France. - Congress at Leipzig. - Siege and cruel fate of Magdeburg. - Firmness of the Landgrave of Cassel. - Junction of the Saxons with the Swedes. - Battle of Leipzig. - Consequences of that Victory.


Book III.

Situation of Gustavus Adolphus after the Battle of Leipzig. - Progress of Gustavus Adolphus. - The French invade Lorraine. - Frankfort taken. - Capitulation of Mentz. - Tilly ordered by Maximilian to protect Bavaria. - Gustavus Adolphus passes the Lech. - Defeat and Death of Tilly. - Gustavus takes Munich. - The Saxon Army invades Bohemia, and takes Prague. - Distress of the Emperor. - Secret Triumph of Wallenstein. - He offers to Join Gustavus Adolphus. - Wallenstein re-assumes the Command. - Junction of Wallenstein with the Bavarians. - Gustavus Adolphus defends Nuremberg. - Attacks Wallenstein's Intrenchments. - Enters Saxony. - Goes to the succour of the Elector of Saxony. - Marches against Wallenstein.
- Battle of Lutzen. - Death of Gustavus Adolphus. - Situation of Germany after the Battle of Lutzen.


Book IV.

Closer Alliance between France and Sweden. - Oxenstiern takes the Direction of Affairs. - Death of the Elector Palatine. - Revolt of the Swedish Officers. - Duke Bernhard takes Ratisbon. - Wallenstein enters Silesia. - Forms Treasonable Designs. - Forsaken by the Army. - Retires to Egra. - His associates put to death. - Wallenstein's death. - His Character.


Book V.

Battle of Nordlingen. - France enters into an Alliance against Austria. - Treaty of Prague. - Saxony joins the Emperor. - Battle of Wistock gained by the Swedes. - Battle of Rheinfeld gained by Bernhard, Duke of Weimar. - He takes Brisach. - His death. - Death of Ferdinand II. - Ferdinand III. succeeds him. - Celebrated Retreat of Banner in Pomerania. - His Successes. - Death. - Torstensohn takes the Command. - Death of Richelieu and Louis XIII. - Swedish Victory at Jankowitz. - French defeated at Freyburg. - Battle of Nordlingen gained by Turenne and Conde. - Wrangel takes the Command of the Swedish Army. - Melander made Commander of the Emperor's Army. - The Elector of Bavaria breaks the Armistice. - He adopts the same Policy towards the Emperor as France towards the Swedes. - The Weimerian Cavalry go over to the Swedes.
- Conquest of New Prague by Koenigsmark, and Termination of the Thirty Years' War.


Book I.


From the beginning of the religious wars in Germany, to the peace of Munster, scarcely any thing great or remarkable occurred in the political world of Europe in which the Reformation had not an important share. All the events of this period, if they did not originate in, soon became mixed up with, the question of religion, and no state was either too great or too little to feel directly or indirectly more or less of its influence.

Against the reformed doctrine and its adherents, the House of Austria directed, almost exclusively, the whole of its immense political power. In France, the Reformation had enkindled a civil war which, under four stormy reigns, shook the kingdom to its foundations, brought foreign armies into the heart of the country, and for half a century rendered it the scene of the most mournful disorders. It was the Reformation, too, that rendered the Spanish yoke intolerable to the Flemings, and awakened in them both the desire and the courage to throw off its fetters, while it also principally furnished them with the means of their emancipation. And as to England, all the evils with which Philip the Second threatened Elizabeth, were mainly intended in revenge for her having taken his Protestant subjects under her protection, and placing herself at the head of a religious party which it was his aim and endeavour to extirpate. In Germany, the schisms in the church produced also a lasting political schism, which made that country for more than a century the theatre of confusion, but at the same time threw up a firm barrier against political oppression. It was, too, the Reformation principally that first drew the northern powers, Denmark and Sweden, into the political system of Europe; and while on the one hand the Protestant League was strengthened by their adhesion, it on the other was indispensable to their interests. States which hitherto scarcely concerned themselves with one another's existence, acquired through the Reformation an attractive centre of interest, and began to be united by new political sympathies. And as through its influence new relations sprang up between citizen and citizen, and between rulers and subjects, so also entire states were forced by it into new relative positions. Thus, by a strange course of events, religious disputes were the means of cementing a closer union among the nations of Europe.

Fearful indeed, and destructive, was the first movement in which this general political sympathy announced itself; a desolating war of thirty years, which, from the interior of Bohemia to the mouth of the Scheldt, and from the banks of the Po to the coasts of the Baltic, devastated whole countries, destroyed harvests, and reduced towns and villages to ashes; which opened a grave for many thousand combatants, and for half a century smothered the glimmering sparks of civilization in Germany, and threw back the improving manners of the country into their pristine barbarity and wildness. Yet out of this fearful war Europe came forth free and independent. In it she first learned to recognize herself as a community of nations; and this intercommunion of states, which originated in the thirty years' war, may alone be sufficient to reconcile the philosopher to its horrors. The hand of industry has slowly but gradually effaced the traces of its ravages, while its beneficent influence still survives; and this general sympathy among the states of Europe, which grew out of the troubles in Bohemia, is our guarantee for the continuance of that peace which was the result of the war. As the sparks of destruction found their way from the interior of Bohemia, Moravia, and Austria, to kindle Germany, France, and the half of Europe, so also will the torch of civilization make a path for itself from the latter to enlighten the former countries.

All this was effected by religion. Religion alone could have rendered possible all that was accomplished, but it was far from being the SOLE motive of the war. Had not private advantages and state interests been closely connected with it, vain and powerless would have been the arguments of theologians; and the cry of the people would never have met with princes so willing to espouse their cause, nor the new doctrines have found such numerous, brave, and persevering champions. The Reformation is undoubtedly owing in a great measure to the invincible power of truth, or of opinions which were held as such. The abuses in the old church, the absurdity of many of its dogmas, the extravagance of its requisitions, necessarily revolted the tempers of men, already half-won with the promise of a better light, and favourably disposed them towards the new doctrines. The charm of independence, the rich plunder of monastic institutions, made the Reformation attractive in the eyes of princes, and tended not a little to strengthen their inward convictions. Nothing, however, but political considerations could have driven them to espouse it. Had not Charles the Fifth, in the intoxication of success, made an attempt on the independence of the German States, a Protestant league would scarcely have rushed to arms in defence of freedom of belief; but for the ambition of the Guises, the Calvinists in France would never have beheld a Conde or a Coligny at their head. Without the exaction of the tenth and the twentieth penny, the See of Rome had never lost the United Netherlands. Princes fought in self-defence or for aggrandizement, while religious enthusiasm recruited their armies, and opened to them the treasures of their subjects. Of the multitude who flocked to their standards, such as were not lured by the hope of plunder imagined they were fighting for the truth, while in fact they were shedding their blood for the personal objects of their princes.

And well was it for the people that, on this occasion, their interests coincided with those of their princes. To this coincidence alone were they indebted for their deliverance from popery. Well was it also for the rulers, that the subject contended too for his own cause, while he was fighting their battles. Fortunately at this date no European sovereign was so absolute as to be able, in the pursuit of his political designs, to dispense with the goodwill of his subjects. Yet how difficult was it to gain and to set to work this goodwill! The most impressive arguments drawn from reasons of state fall powerless on the ear of the subject, who seldom understands, and still more rarely is interested in them. In such circumstances, the only course open to a prudent prince is to connect the interests of the cabinet with some one that sits nearer to