An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations - Adam Smith (ebooks children's books free .TXT) 📗
- Author: Adam Smith
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than any of them, he is best able to compel any one of them, who
may have injured another, to compensate the wrong. He is the
person, therefore, to whom all those who are too weak to defend
themselves naturally look up for protection. It is to him that
they naturally complain of the injuries which they imagine have
been done to them ; and his interposition, in such cases, is more
easily submitted to, even by the person complained of, than that
of any other person would be. His birth and fortune thus
naturally procure him some sort of judicial authority.
It is in the age of shepherds, in the second period of society,
that the inequality of fortune first begins to take place, and
introduces among men a degree of authority and subordination,
which could not possibly exist before. It thereby introduces some
degree of that civil government which is indispensably necessary
for its own preservation; and it seems to do this naturally, and
even independent of the consideration of that necessity. The
consideration of that necessity comes, no doubt, afterwards, to
contribute very much to maintain and secure that authority and
subordination. The rich, in particular, are necesarily interested
to support that order of things, which can alone secure them in
the possession of their own advantages. Men of inferior wealth
combine to defend those of superior wealth in the possession of
their property, in order that men of superior wealth may combine
to defend them in the possession of theirs. All the inferior
shepherds and herdsmen feel, that the security of their own herds
and flocks depends upon the security of those of the great
shepherd or herdsman; that the maintenance of their lesser
authority depends upon that of his greater authority ; and that
upon their subordination to him depends his power of keeping
their inferiors in subordination to them. They constitute a sort
of little nobility, who feel themselves interested to defend the
property, and to support the authority, of their own little
sovereign. in order that he may be able to defend their property,
and to support their authority. Civil government, so far as it is
instituted for the security of property, is, in reality,
instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of
those who have some property against those who have none at all.
The judicial authority of such a sovereign, however, far from
being a cause of expense, was, for a long time, a source of
revenue to him. The persons who applied to him for justice were
always willing to pay for it, and a present never failed to
accompany a petition. After the authority of the sovereign, too,
was thoroughly established, the person found guilty, over and
above the satisfaction which he was obliged to make to the party,
was likewise forced to pay an amercement to the sovereign. He
had given trouble, he had disturbed, he had broke the peace of
his lord the king, and for those offences an amercement was
thought due. In the Tartar governments of Asia, in the
governments of Europe which were founded by the German and
Scythian nations who overturned the Roman empire, the
administration of justice was a considerable source of revenue,
both to the sovereign, and to all the lesser chiefs or lords who
exercised under him any particular jurisdiction, either over some
particular tribe or clan, or over some particular territory or
district. Originally, both the sovereign and the inferior chiefs
used to exercise this jurisdiction in their own persons.
Afterwards, they universally found it convenient to delegate it
to some substitute, bailiff, or judge. This substitute, however,
was still obliged to account to his principal or constituent for
the profits of the jurisdiction. Whoever reads the instructions
(They are to be found in Tyrol’s History of England) which were
given to the judges of the circuit in the time of Henry II will
see clearly that those judges were a sort of itinerant factors,
sent round the country for the purpose of levying certain
branches of the king’s revenue. In those days, the administration
of justice not only afforded a certain revenue to the sovereign,
but, to procure this revenue, seems to have been one of the
principal advantages which he proposed to obtain by the
administration of justice.
This scheme of making the administration of justice subservient
to the purposes of revenue, could scarce fail to be productive of
several very gross abuses. The person who applied for justice
with a large present in his hand, was likeiy to get something
more than justice; while he who applied for it with a small one
was likely to get something less. Justice, too, might frequently
be delayed, in order that this present might be repeated. The
amercement, besides, of the person complained of, might
frequently suggest a very strong reason for finding him in the
wrong, even when he had not really been so. That such abuses were
far from being uncommon, the ancient history of every country in
Europe bears witness.
When the sovereign or chief exercises his judicial authority in
his own person, how much soever he might abuse it, it must have
been scarce possible to get any redress ; because there could
seldom be any body powerful enough to call him to account. When
he exercised it by a bailiff, indeed, redress might sometimes be
had. If it was for his own benefit only, that the bailiff had
been guilty of an act of injustice, the sovereign himself might
not always be unwilling to punish him, or to oblige him to repair
the wrong. But if it was for the benefit of his sovereign; if it
was in order to make court to the person who appointed him, and
who might prefer him, that he had committed any act of oppression
; redress would, upon most occasions, be as impossible as if the
sovereign had committed it himself. In all barbarous governments,
accordingly, in all those ancient governments of Europe in
particular, which were founded upon the ruins of the Roman
empire, the administration of justice appears for a long time to
have been extremely corrupt ; far from being quite equal and
impartial, even under the best monarchs, and altogether
profligate under the worst.
Among nations of shepherds, where the sovereign or chief is only
the greatest shepherd or herdsman of the horde or clan, he is
maintained in the same manner as any of his vassals or subjects,
by the increase of his own herds or flocks. Among those nations
of husbandmen, who are but just come out of the shepherd state,
and who are not much advanced beyond that state, such as the
Greek tribes appear to have been about the time of the Trojan
war, and our German and Scythian ancestors, when they first
settled upon the ruins of the western empire; the sovereign or
chief is, in the same manner, only the greatest landlord of the
country, and is maintained in the same manner as any other
landlord, by a revenue derived from his own private estate. or
from what, in modern Europe, was called the demesne of the crown.
His subjects, upon ordinary occasions, contribute nothing to his
support, except when, in order to protect them from the
oppression of some of their fellow-subjects, they stand in need
of his authority. The presents which they make him upon such
occasions constitute the whole ordinary revenue, the whole of the
emoluments which, except, perhaps, upon some very extraordinary
emergencies, he derives from his dominion over them. When
Agamemnon, in Homer, offers to Achilles, for his friendship, the
sovereignty of seven Greek cities, the sole advantage which he
mentions as likely to be derived from it was, that the people
would honour him with presents. As long as such presents, as long
as the emoluments of justice, or what may be called the fees of
court, constituted, in this manner, the whole ordinary revenue
which the sovereign derived from his sovereignty, it could not
well be expected, it could not even decently be proposed, that he
should give them up altogether. It might, and it frequently was
proposed, that he should regulate and ascertain them. But after
they had been so regulated and ascertained, how to hinder a
person who was all-powerful from extending them beyond those
regulations, was still very difficult, not to say impossible.
During the continuance of this state of things, therefore, the
corruption of justice, naturally resulting from the arbitrary and
uncertain nature of those presents, scarce admitted of any
effectual remedy.
But when, from different causes, chiefly from the continually
increasing expense of defending the nation against the invasion
of other nations, the private estate of the sovereign had become
altogether insufficient for defraying the expense of the
sovereignty; and when it had become necessary that the people
should, for their own security, contribute towards this expense
by taxes of different kinds; it seems to have been very commonly
stipulated, that no present for the administration of justice
should, under any pretence, be accepted either by the sovereign,
or by his bailiffs and substitutes, the judges. Those presents,
it seems to have been supposed, could more easily be abolished
altogether, than effectually regulated and ascertained. Fixed
salaries were appointed to the judges, which were supposed to
compensate to them the loss of whatever might have been their
share of the ancient emoluments of justice; as the taxes more
than compensated to the sovereign the loss of his. Justice was
then said to be administered gratis.
Justice, however, never was in reality administered gratis in any
country. Lawyers and attorneys, at least, must always be paid by
the parties; and if they were not, they would perform their duty
still worse than they actually perform it. The fees annually paid
to lawyers and attorneys, amount, in every court, to a much
greater sum than the salaries of the judges. The circumstance of
those salaries being paid by the crown, can nowhere much diminish
the necessary expense of a law-suit. But it was not so much to
diminish the expense, as to prevent the corruption of justice,
that the judges were prohibited from receiving my present or fee
from the parties.
The office of judge is in itself so very honourable, that men are
willing to accept of it, though accompanied with very small
emoluments. The inferior office of justice of peace, though
attended with a good deal of trouble, and in most cases with no
emoluments at all, is an object of ambition to the greater part
of our country gentlemen. The salaries of all the different
judges, high and low, together with the whole expense of the
administration and execution of justice, even where it is not
managed with very good economy, makes, in any civilized country,
but a very inconsiderable part of the whole expense of
government.
The whole expense of justice, too, might easily be defrayed by
the fees of court ; and, without exposing the administration of
justice to any real hazard of corruption, the public revenue
might thus be entirely discharged from a certain, though perhaps
but a small incumbrance. It is difficult to regulate the fees of
court effectually, where a person so powerful as the sovereign is
to share in them and to derive any considerable part of his
revenue from them. It is very easy, where the judge is the
principal person who can reap any benefit from them. The law can
very easily oblige the judge to respect the regulation though it
might not always be able to make the sovereign respect it. Where
the fees of court are precisely regulated and ascertained where
they are paid all at once, at a certain period of every process,
into the hands of a cashier or receiver, to be by him distributed
in certain
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