The Ego and his Own - Max Stirner (ebook reader screen .TXT) 📗
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lying he fools away that confidence in him which he hopes to awaken in others,
and how correct the maxim proves, Nobody believes a liar even when he tells
the truth. Yet, at the same time, he would also feel that he had to meet with
truth only him whom he authorized to hear the truth. If a spy walks in
disguise through the hostile camp, and is asked who he is, the askers are
assuredly entitled to inquire after his name, but the disguised man does not
give them the right to learn the truth from him; he tells them what he likes,
only not the fact. And yet morality demands, "Thou shalt not lie!" By morality
those persons are vested with the right to expect the truth; but by me they
are not vested with that right, and I recognize only the right that I
impart. In a gathering of revolutionists the police force their way in and ask
the orator for his name; everybody knows that the police have the right to do
so, but they do not have it from the revolutionist, since he is their enemy;
he tells them a false name and --cheats them with a lie. The police do not act
so foolishly either as to count on their enemies' love of truth; on the
contrary, they do not believe without further ceremony, but have the
questioned individual "identified" if they can. Nay, the State -- everywhere
proceeds incredulously with individuals, because in their egoism it recognizes
its natural enemy; it invariably demands a "voucher," and he who cannot show
vouchers falls a prey to its investigating inquisition. The State does not
believe nor trust the individual, and so of itself places itself with him in
the convention of lying; it trusts me only when it has convinced itself of
the truth of my statement, for which there often remains to it no other means
than the oath. How clearly, too, this (the oath) proves that the State does
not count on our credibility and love of truth, but on our interest, our
selfishness: it relies on our not wanting to fall foul of God by a perjury.
Now, let one imagine a French revolutionist in the year 1788, who among
friends let fall the now well-known phrase, "the world will have no rest till
the last king is hanged with the guts of the last priest." The king then still
had all power, and, when the utterance is betrayed by an accident, yet without
its being possible to produce witnesses, confession is demanded from the
accused. Is he to confess or not?
If he denies, he lies and -- remains unpunished; if he confesses, he is candid
and -- is beheaded. If truth is more than everything else to him, all right,
let him die. Only a paltry poet could try to make a tragedy out of the end of
his life; for what interest is there in seeing how a man succumbs from
cowardice? But, if he had the courage not to be a slave of truth and
sincerity, he would ask somewhat thus: Why need the judges know what I have
spoken among friends? If I had wished them to know, I should have said it to
them as I said it to my friends. I will not have them know it. They force
themselves into my confidence without my having called them to it and made
them my confidants; they will learn what I will keep secret. Come on then,
you who wish to break my will by your will, and try your arts. You can torture
me by the rack, you can threaten me with hell and eternal damnation, you can
make me so nerveless that I swear a false oath, but the truth you shall not
press out of me, for I will lie to you because I have given you no claim and
no right to my sincerity. Let God, "who is truth," look down ever so
threateningly on me, let lying come ever so hard to me, I have nevertheless
the courage of a lie; and, even if I were weary of my life, even if nothing
appeared to me more welcome than your executioner's sword, you nevertheless
should not have the joy of finding in me a slave of truth, whom by your
priestly arts you make a traitor to his will. When I spoke those treasonable
words, I would not have had you know anything of them; I now retain the same
will, and do not let myself be frightened by the curse of the lie.
Sigismund is not a miserable caitiff because he broke his princely word, but
he broke the word because he was a caitiff; he might have kept his word and
would still have been a caitiff, a priest-ridden man. Luther, driven by a
higher power, became unfaithful to his monastic vow: he became so for God's
sake. Both broke their oath as possessed persons: Sigismund, because he wanted
to appear as a sincere professor of the divine truth, i. e., of the
true, genuinely Catholic faith; Luther, in order to give testimony for the
gospel sincerely and with entire truth. with body and soul; both became
perjured in order to be sincere toward the "higher truth." Only, the priests
absolved the one, the other absolved himself. What else did both observe than
what is contained in those apostolic words, "Thou hast not lied to men, but to
God?" They lied to men, broke their oath before the world's eyes, in order not
to lie to God, but to serve him. Thus they show us a way to deal with truth
before men. For God's glory, and for God's sake, a -- breach of oath, a lie, a
prince's word broken!
How would it be, now, if we changed the thing a little and wrote, A perjury
and lie for -- my sake? Would not that be pleading for every baseness? It
seems so, assuredly, only in this it is altogether like the "for God's sake."
For was not every baseness committed for God's sake, were not all the
scaffolds filled for his sake and all the autos-da-fé held for his sake, was
not all stupefaction introduced for his sake? And do they not today still for
God's sake fetter the mind in tender children by religious education? Were not
sacred vows broken for his sake, and do not missionaries and priests still go
around every day to bring Jews, heathen, Protestants or Catholics, to treason
against the faith of their fathers -- for his sake? And that should be worse
with the for my sake? What then does on my account mean? There people
immediately think of "filthy lucre". But he who acts from love of filthy
lucre does it on his own account indeed, as there is nothing anyhow that one
does not do for his own sake -- among other things, everything that is done
for God's glory; yet he, for whom he seeks the lucre, is a slave of lucre, not
raised above lucre; he is one who belongs to lucre, the money-bag, not to
himself; he is not his own. Must not a man whom the passion of avarice rules
follow the commands of this master? And, if a weak goodnaturedness once
beguiles him, does this not appear as simply an exceptional case of precisely
the same sort as when pious believers are sometimes forsaken by their Lord's
guidance and ensnared by the arts of the "devil?" So an avaricious man is not
a self-owned man, but a servant; and he can do nothing for his own sake
without at the same time doing it for his lord's sake -- precisely like the
godly man.
Famous is the breach of oath which Francis I committed against Emperor Charles
V. Not later, when he ripely weighed his promise, but at once, when he swore
the oath, King Francis took it back in thought as well as by a secret
protestation documentarily subscribed before his councillors; he uttered a
perjury aforethought. Francis did not show himself disinclined to buy his
release, but the price that Charles put on it seemed to him too high and
unreasonable. Even though Charles behaved himself in a sordid fashion when he
sought to extort as much as possible, it was yet shabby of Francis to want to
purchase his freedom for a lower ransom; and his later dealings, among which
there occurs yet a second breach of his word, prove sufficiently how the
huckster spirit held him enthralled and made him a shabby swindler. However,
what shall we say to the reproach of perjury against him? In the first place,
surely, this again: that not the perjury, but his sordidness, shamed him; that
he did not deserve contempt for his perjury, but made himself guilty of
perjury because he was a contemptible man. But Francis's perjury, regarded in
itself, demands another judgment. One might say Francis did not respond to the
confidence that Charles put in him in setting him free. But, if Charles had
really favored him with confidence, he would have named to him the price that
he considered the release worth, and would then have set him at liberty and
expected Francis to pay the redemption-sum. Charles harbored no such trust,
but only believed in Francis's impotence and credulity, which would not allow
him to act against his oath; but Francis deceived only this -- credulous
calculation. When Charles believed he was assuring himself of his enemy by an
oath, right there he was freeing him from every obligation. Charles had given
the king credit for a piece of stupidity, a narrow conscience, and, without
confidence in Francis, counted only on Francis's stupidity, e. g.,
conscientiousness: he let him go from the Madrid prison only to hold him the
more securely in the prison of conscientiousness, the great jail built about
the mind of man by religion: he sent him back to France locked fast in
invisible chains, what wonder if Francis sought to escape and sawed the chains
apart? No man would have taken it amiss of him if he had secretly fled from
Madrid, for he was in an enemy's power; but every good Christian cries out
upon him, that he wanted to loose himself from God's bonds too. (It was only
later that the pope absolved him from his oath.)
It is despicable to deceive a confidence that we voluntarily call forth; but
it is no shame to egoism to let every one who wants to get us into his power
by an oath bleed to death by the failure of his untrustful craft. If you have
wanted to bind me, then learn that I know how to burst your bonds.
The point is whether I give the confider the right to confidence. If the
pursuer of my friend asks me where he has fled to, I shall surely put him on a
false trail. Why does he
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