The Ego and his Own - Max Stirner (ebook reader screen .TXT) 📗
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not to be a false, traitorous friend, I prefer to be false to the enemy. I
might certainly in courageous conscientiousness, answer, "I will not tell" (so
Fichte decides the case); by that I should salve my love of truth and do for
my friend as much as -- nothing, for, if I do not mislead the enemy, he may
accidentally take the right street, and my love of truth would have given up
my friend as a prey, because it hindered me from the --courage for a lie. He
who has in the truth an idol, a sacred thing, must humble himself before it,
must not defy its demands, not resist courageously; in short, he must renounce
the heroism of the lie. For to the lie belongs not less courage than to the
truth: a courage that young men are most apt to be defective in, who would
rather confess the truth and mount the scaffold for it than confound the
enemy's power by the impudence of a lie. To them the truth is "sacred," and
the sacred at all times demands blind reverence, submission, and
self-sacrifice. If you are not impudent, not mockers of the sacred, you are
tame and its servants. Let one but lay a grain of truth in the trap for you,
you peck at it to a certainty, and the fool is caught. You will not lie? Well,
then, fall as sacrifices to the truth and become -- martyrs! Martyrs! -- for
what? For yourselves, for self-ownership? No, for your goddess -- the truth.
You know only two services, only two kinds of servants: servants of the
truth and servants of the lie. Then in God's name serve the truth!
Others, again, serve the truth also; but they serve it "in moderation," and
make, e. g. a great distinction between a simple lie and a lie sworn to. And
yet the whole chapter of the oath coincides with that of the lie, since an
oath, everybody knows, is only a strongly assured statement. You consider
yourselves entitled to lie, if only you do not swear to it besides? One who is
particular about it must judge and condemn a lie as sharply as a false oath.
But now there has been kept up in morality an ancient point of controversy,
which is customarily treated of under the name of the "lie of necessity." No
one who dares plead for this can consistently put from him an "oath of
necessity." If I justify my lie as a lie of necessity, I should not be so
pusillanimous as to rob the justified lie of the strongest corroboration.
Whatever I do, why should I not do it entirely and without reservations
(reservatio mentalis)? If I once lie, why then not lie completely, with
entire consciousness and all my might? As a spy I should have to swear to each
of my false statements at the enemy's demand; determined to lie to him, should
I suddenly become cowardly and undecided in face of an oath? Then I should
have been ruined in advance for a liar and spy; for, you see, I should be
voluntarily putting into the enemy's hands a means to catch me. -- The State
too fears the oath of necessity, and for this reason does not give the accused
a chance to swear. But you do not justify the State's fear; you lie, but do
not swear falsely. If, e. g. you show some one a kindness, and he is not to
know it, but he guesses it and tells you so to your face, you deny; if he
insists, you say, "honestly, no!" If it came to swearing, then you would
refuse; for, from fear of the sacred, you always stop half way. Against the
sacred you have no will of your own. You lie in -- moderation, as you are
free "in moderation," religious "in moderation" (the clergy are not to
"encroach"; over this point the most rapid of controversies is now being
carried on, on the part of the university against the church), monarchically
disposed "in moderation" (you want a monarch limited by the constitution, by a
fundamental law of the State), everything nicely tempered, lukewarm, half
God's, half the devil's.
There was a university where the usage was that every word of honor that must
be given to the university judge was looked upon by the students as null and
void. For the students saw in the demanding of it nothing but a snare, which
they could not escape otherwise than by taking away all its significance. He
who at that same university broke his word of honor to one of the fellows was
infamous; he who gave it to the university judge derided, in union with these
very fellows, the dupe who fancied that a word had the same value among
friends and among foes. It was less a correct theory than the constraint of
practice that had there taught the students to act so, as, without that means
of getting out, they would have been pitilessly driven to treachery against
their comrades. But, as the means approved itself in practice, so it has its
theoretical probation too. A word of honor, an oath, is one only for him whom
I entitle to receive it; he who forces me to it obtains only a forced, i.e.
a hostile word, the word of a foe, whom one has no right to trust; for the
foe does not give us the right.
Aside from this, the courts of the State do not even recognize the
inviolability of an oath. For, if I had sworn to one who comes under
examination that I would not declare anything against him, the court would
demand my declaration in spite of the fact that an oath binds me, and, in case
of refusal, would lock me up till I decided to become -- an oath-breaker. The
court "absolves me from my oath"; -- how magnanimous! If any power can absolve
me from the oath, I myself am surely the very first power that has a claim to.
As a curiosity, and to remind us of customary oaths of all sorts, let place be
given here to that which Emperor Paul commanded the captured Poles
(Kosciuszko, Potocki, Niemcewicz, and others) to take when he released them:
"We not merely swear fidelity and obedience to the emperor, but also further
promise to pour out our blood for his glory; we obligate ourselves to discover
everything threatening to his person or his empire that we ever learn; we
declare finally that, in whatever part of the earth we may be, a single word
of the emperor shall suffice to make us leave everything and repair to him at
once."
In one domain the principle of love seems to have been long outsoared by
egoism, and to be still in need only of sure consciousness, as it were of
victory with a good conscience. This domain is speculation, in its double
manifestation as thinking and as trade. One thinks with a will, whatever may
come of it; one speculates, however many may suffer under our speculative
undertakings. But, when it finally becomes serious, when even the last remnant
of religiousness, romance, or "humanity" is to be done away, then the pulse of
religious conscience beats, and one at least professes humanity. The
avaricious speculator throws some coppers into the poor-box and "does good,"
the bold thinker consoles himself with the fact that he is working for the
advancement of the human race and that his devastation "turns to the good" of
mankind, or, in another case, that he is "serving the idea"; mankind, the
idea, is to him that something of which he must say, It is more to me than
myself.
To this day thinking and trading have been done for -- God's sake. Those who
for six days were trampling down everything by their selfish aims sacrificed
on the seventh to the Lord; and those who destroyed a hundred "good causes" by
their reckless thinking still did this in the service of another "good cause,"
and had yet to think of another -- besides themselves -- to whose good their
self-indulgence should turn; of the people, mankind, etc. But this other thing
is a being above them, a higher or supreme being; and therefore I say, they
are toiling for God's sake.
Hence I can also say that the ultimate basis of their actions is -- love. Not
a voluntary love however, not their own, but a tributary love, or the higher
being's own (God's, who himself is love); in short, not the egoistic, but the
religious; a love that springs from their fancy that they must discharge a
tribute of love, i.e. that they must not be "egoists."
If we want to deliver the world from many kinds of unfreedom, we want this
not on its account but on ours; for, as we are not world-liberators by
profession and out of "love," we only want to win it away from others. We want
to make it our own; it is not to be any longer owned as serf by God (the
church) nor by the law (State), but to be our own; therefore we seek to
"win" it, to "captivate" it, and, by meeting it halfway and "devoting"
ourselves to it as to ourselves as soon as it belongs to us, to complete and
make superfluous the force that it turns against us. If the world is ours, it
no longer attempts any force against us, but only with us. My selfishness
has an interest in the liberation of the world, that it may become -- my
property.
Not isolation or being alone, but society, is man's original state. Our
existence begins with the most intimate conjunction, as we are already living
with our mother before we breathe; when we see the light of the world, we at
once lie on a human being's breast again, her love cradles us in the lap,
leads us in the go-cart, and chains us to her person with a thousand ties.
Society is our state of nature. And this is why, the more we learn to feel
ourselves, the connection that was formerly most intimate becomes ever looser
and the dissolution of the original society more unmistakable. To have once
again for herself the child that once lay under her heart, the mother must
fetch it from the street and from the midst of its playmates. The child
prefers the intercourse that it enters into with its fellows to the
society that it has not entered into, but only been born in.
But the dissolution of society is intercourse or union. A society does
assuredly arise by union too, but only as a fixed idea arises by a thought --
to wit, by the vanishing of the energy of the thought (the thinking itself,
this restless taking back all thoughts that make themselves fast) from the
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