Decline of Science in England - Charles Babbage (reading well .txt) 📗
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two preceding weekly meetings of the Royal Society. The name of
the gentleman nominated for that year, and the church at which
the sermon is to be preached, should be stated.
With this publicity attending it, and by a judicious selection of
the first two or three gentlemen appointed to deliver it, it
would soon be esteemed an honour to be invited to compose such a
lecture, and the Society might always find in its numerous list
of members or aspirants, persons well qualified to fulfil a task
as beneficial for the promotion of true religion, as it ever must
be for the interest of science. I am tempted to believe that
such a course would call forth exertions of the most valuable
character, as well as give additional circulation to what is
already done on that subject.
The geological speculations which have been adduced, perhaps with
too much haste by some, as according with the Mosaic history, and
by others, as inconsistent with its truth, would, if this subject
had been attentively considered, have been allowed to remain
until the fullest and freest inquiry had irrevocably fixed their
claim to the character of indisputable facts. But, I will not
press this subject further on my reader’s attention, lest he
should think I am myself delivering the lecture. All that I
could have said on this point has been so much more ably stated
by one whose enlightened view of geological science has taken
away some difficulties from its cultivators, and, I hope, removed
a stumbling-block from many respectable individuals, that I
should only weaken by adding to the argument. [I allude to the
critique of Dr. Ure’s Geology in the British Review, for July,
1829; an Essay, equally worthy of a philosopher and a Christian.]
SECTION 10.
OF THE CROONIAN LECTURE.
The payment [Three pounds.] for this Lecture, like that of the
preceding, is small. It was instituted by Dr. Croone, for an
annual essay on the subject of Muscular Motion. It is a little
to be regretted, that it should have been so restricted; and
perhaps its founder, had he foreseen the routine into which it
has dwindled, might have endeavoured to preserve it, by affording
it a wider range.
By giving it to a variety of individuals, competition might have
been created, and many young anatomists have been induced to
direct their attention to the favourite inquiry of the founder of
the Lecture; but from causes which need not here be traced, this
has not been the custom—one individual has monopolized it year
after year, and it seems, like the Fairchild Lecture, rather to
have been regarded as a pension. There have, however, been some
intervals; and we are still under obligations to those who have
supported THE SYSTEM, for not appointing Sir Everard Home to read
the Croonian Lecture twenty years in SUCCESSION. Had it been
otherwise, we might have heard of vested rights.
SECTION 11.
OF THE CAUSES OF THE PRESENT STATE OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY.
The best friends of the Royal Society have long admitted, whilst
they regretted, its declining fame; and even those who support
whatever exists, begin a little to doubt whether it might not
possibly be amended.
The great and leading cause of the present state to which the
Royal Society is reduced, may be traced to years of misrule to
which it has been submitted. In order to understand this, it
will be necessary to explain the nature of that misrule, and the
means employed in perpetuating it.
It is known, that by the statutes, the body of the Society have
the power of electing, annually, their President, Officers, and
Council; and it is also well known, that this is a merely nominal
power, and that printed lists are prepared and put into the hands
of the members on their entering the room, and thus passed into
the balloting box. If these lists were, as in other scientific
societies, openly discussed in the Council, and then offered by
them as recommendations to the Society, little inconvenience
would arise; but the fact is, that they are private nominations
by the President, usually without notice, to the Council, and all
the supporters of the system which I am criticizing, endeavour to
uphold the right of this nomination in the President, and prevent
or discourage any alteration.
The Society has, for years, been managed by a PARTY, or COTERIE,
or by whatever other name may be most fit to designate a
combination of persons, united by no expressed compact or written
regulations, but who act together from a community of principles.
That each individual has invariably supported all the measures of
the party, is by no means the case; and whilst instances of
opposition amongst them have been very rare, a silent resignation
to circumstances has been the most usual mode of meeting measures
they disapproved. The great object of this, as of all other
parties, has been to maintain itself in power, and to divide, as
far as it could, all the good things amongst its members. It has
usually consisted of persons of very moderate talent, who have
had the prudence, whenever they could, to associate with
themselves other members of greater ability, provided these
latter would not oppose the system, and would thus lend to it the
sanction of their name. The party have always praised each other
most highly—have invariably opposed all improvements in the
Society, all change in the mode of management; and have
maintained, that all those who wished for any alteration were
factious; and, when they discovered any symptoms of independence
and inquiry breaking out in any member of the Council, they have
displaced him as soon as they decently could.
Of the arguments employed by those who support the SYSTEM OF
MANAGEMENT by which the Royal Society is governed, I shall give a
few samples: refutation is rendered quite unnecessary—juxta-position is alone requisite. If any member, seeing an improper
appointment in contemplation, or any abuse in the management of
the affairs of the Society continued, raise a voice against it,
the ready answer is, Why should you interfere? it may not be
quite the thing you approve; but it is no affair of yours.—If,
on the other hand, it do relate to himself, the reply is equally
ready. It is immediately urged: The question is of a personal
nature; you are the last person who ought to bring it forward;
you are yourself interested. If any member of the Society,
feeling annoyed at the neglect, or hurt by the injuries or
insults of the Council, show signs of remonstrance, it is
immediately suggested to him that he is irritated, and ought to
wait until his feelings subside, and he can judge more coolly on
the subject; whilst with becoming candour they admit the ill-treatment, but urge forbearance. If, after an interval, when
reflection has had ample time to operate, the offence seems great
as at first, or the insult appears unmitigated by any
circumstances on which memory can dwell,—if it is then brought
forward, the immediate answer is, The affair is out of date—the
thing is gone by—it is too late to call in question a
transaction so long past. Thus, if a man is interested
personally, he is unfit to question an abuse; if he is not, is it
probable that he will question it? and if, notwithstanding
this, he do so, then he is to be accounted a meddler. If he is
insulted, and complain, he is told to wait until he is cool; and
when that period arrives, he is then told he is too late. If his
remonstrance relates to the alteration of laws which are never
referred to, or only known by their repeated breach, he is told
that any alteration is useless; it is perfectly well known that
they are never adhered to. If it relate to the impolicy of any
regulations attaching to an office, he is immediately answered,
that that is a personal question, in which it is impossible to
interfere—the officer, it seems, is considered to have not
merely a vested right to the continuance of every abuse, but an
interest in transmitting it unimpaired to his successors.
In the same spirit I have heard errors of calculation or
observation defended. If small errors occur, it is said that
they are too trifling to be of any importance. If larger errors
are pointed out, it is immediately contended that they can
deceive nobody, because of their magnitude. Perhaps it might be
of some use, if the Council would oblige the world with their
SCALE of ERROR, with illustrations from some of the most RECENT
and APPROVED works, and would favour the uninformed with the
orthodox creed upon all grades, from that which baffles the human
faculties to detect, up to that which becomes innocuous from its
size.
The offices connected with the Royal Society are few in number,
and their emolument small in amount; but the proper disposition
of them is, nevertheless, of great importance to the Society, and
was so to the science of England.
In the first place, the President, having in effect the absolute
nomination of the whole Council, could each year introduce a few
gentlemen, whose only qualification to sit on it would be the
high opinion they must necessarily entertain of the penetration
of him who could discover their scientific merits. He might also
place in the list a few nobles or officials, just to gild it.
Neither of these classes would put any troublesome questions, and
one of them might be employed, from its station in society, to
check any that might be proposed by others.
With these ingredients, added to the regular train of the party,
and a star or two of science to shed lustre over the whole, a
very manageable Council might be formed; and such has been its
frequent composition.
The duties of the Secretaries, when well executed, are laborious,
although not in this respect equal to those of the same officers
who, in several societies, give their gratuitous aid; and their
labours are much lightened by the Assistant Secretary and his
clerk. The following are their salaries:—
The Senior Secretary … … … . . 105L.
The Junior Secretary, 105L… … . . )
5L. for making Indexto Phil. Trans… ) 110L.
The Foreign Secretary … … … . . 20L.
Now it is not customary to change these annually; and as these
offices are amongst the “loaves and fishes” they are generally
given by the President to some staunch supporters of the system.
They have frequently been bestowed, with very little
consideration for the interest, or even for the dignity of the
Society. To notice only one instance: the late Sir Joseph Banks
appointed a gentleman who remained for years in that situation,
although he was confessedly ignorant of every subject connected
with the pursuits of the Society. I will, however, do justice to
his memory, by saying that his respectability was preserved under
such circumstances, by the most candid admission of the fact,
accompanied by a store of other knowledge unfortunately quite
foreign to the pursuits of the Society; and I will add, that I
regretted to see him insulted by one President in a situation
improperly given to him by a former.
Next in order come the Vice-Presidents, who are appointed by the
President; and in this respect the present practice is not
inconvenient.
The case, however, is widely different with the office of
Treasurer. The President ought not to usurp the power of his
appointment, which ought, after serious discussion by the
Council, to be made by the Society at large.
Besides the three Secretaries, there is an Assistant Secretary,
and recently another has been added, who may perhaps be called a,
Sub-assistant Secretary.
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